xt70rx937t9n_432 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4.dao.xml unknown 13.63 Cubic Feet 34 boxes, 2 folders, 3 items In safe - drawer 3 archival material 46m4 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Laura Clay papers Temperance. Women -- Political activity -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- United States -- History. Women -- Suffrage -- Kentucky. Women -- Suffrage -- United States. International Woman Suffrage Alliance text International Woman Suffrage Alliance 2020 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4/Box_16/Folder_8/Multipage19010.pdf 1906 1906 1906 section false xt70rx937t9n_432 xt70rx937t9n ,
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No. 4.

 

 

 

—— With human life so far from its
ideal, there is no class that can
safely delegate its interests to
another class. It is because human
nature is defective that human laws
are made; and human nature being
defective, it is never safe to trust
it with irresponsible power.

GAIL HAMILTON.

 

15 December 1906.

 

 

 

— The pressure to obtain all indi—
vidual rights for those who already
have all individual liabilities and
responsibilities, is so logical as to
become well nigh irresistible.

Dr. MARY PUTNAM JACOBI.

 

Internat.WomanSufl‘rage Alliance

Bulletin or Monthly Correspondence.

 

 

 

— Dr. Anita Augspurg, was sentenced to a
fine or imprisonement on 23 Nov. at Hamburg for
having insulted the police, when in the January—
riots she saw a policeman attack an innocent
passer—by.

 

Great Britain.

EXCUSES FROM THE EDITOR.

I think I need not ask your excuse for beginning
with Great-Britain again. We all know what magnet
draws our eyes thither. But Iwish to ask your
forgiveness for some errors which sometimes will
creep into my work by my desire of shortening
and my lack of understanding law-terms.

.You will all oblige me by corrections, whichlwill
always publish in the next issue.

Mrs. Fawcett asks me to say that there are some
inaccuracies in the letter from her, printed in last
month’s bulletin. In the first place Lady Frances
Balfour is the President of the Central Society for
quen’s Suffrage, and Mrs. Fawcett is the chairman
of . Committee. The letter was intended, when
written, simply as a private communication, and
u ortunately in copying it for publication I inserted
words which do not form part of the original; This
was done inadvertently and Mrs. Fawcett hopes it
will not lead to misunderstanding. I much regret
the error that was made.

UNEXPECTED RELEASE OF EIGHT
PRISONERS FROM HOLLOWAY.

Considerable surprise was caused at the head—
quarters of theWomen’s Social and Political Union on
Saturday evening 24 Nov. by the sudden appearance,
without any previous intimation, of the eight ladies
who were committed to Holloway Gaol as the
result of the disturbance in the House of Commons
on October 23rd, and who have remained in prison

‘ e“ - ince the following day.
' - . Qladies are Miss A. Kenney, Miss Irene Miller,

aldock, Mrs. Cobden Sanderson, Miss Adela
'1 hurst, Miss Teresa Billington. Mrs. Edith Martyn
d‘Miss Gawthorpe.

t

.AéEarly in the evening the imprisoned suffragists

} ere astounded by the prison officials informing

t that the Government had ordered theirimme-

aate release, although their sentences did not

expire until Christmas. '
.NS reas0ns were given for this order, and the

"Aladies had not the slightest idea why their impri-
sonment had been so suddenly put an end to.
"In! their manner the ladies showed rather disap-

N‘

pointment than pleasure at their release, and would
evidently have preferred to complete their term.

Mr. Herbert Gladstone, the Home Secretary, in
a written reply to Mr. Clynes, M.P., with reference
to the release of the suffragists from Holloway Jail,
says they were liberated when they had served
half their sentences by an exercise of the Royal
prerogative of mercy, and adds that it would not
be in accordance with constitutional practice to
state the grounds of the advice which he tendered
to his Majesty.

WOMAN SUFLRAGE AND THE PLURAL
VOTING BILL.

On the motion of Lord R. CECIL (U., Maryle—
bone) that the Act ,,shall come into operation on
the first day of January after the next general
election, unless before that time an Act shall be
passed giving to women the franchise on the same
terms and conditions upon which it is enjoyed by
men, in which case it shall come into operation on
the day fixed for the coming into operation of such
last-mentioned Act.“

Mr. KEIR HARDIE said he gathered from the
remarks of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that
he did not think that the Government intended
to enfranchise women before the next general elec-
tion. Speaking, he said, for himself only, and not
for his colleagues of the Labour Party, he (Mr.
Hardie) would support the clause. He protested
against the statement of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. The question was one of supreme
importance. Events out of doors ought to convince
members that the question could not now be
treated otherwise. There was the spectacle of the
daughter of Richard Cobden suffering the hardships
and indignities of prison in order to call attention
to the Government’s neglect of the question. This
in itself should give members pause. It was said
the question of plural votes had been before the
country fir twenty years. Yes, but the question of
women’s suffrage had been before the country
twice as long, and the House had passed resolu-
tions in favour of enfranchisement. At the last
election women acted in support of the Liberals.
That night thev had been told there was no possi-
bility of the injustice being remedied so long as
the present Government was in office. True, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had not said that in
so many words, but what he did say, was that if
the clause was ca'ried, the plural voter would still
be in existence at the next election. It was to be
hoped, therefore, that members of the House who

 

  

 

 

 

 

When the day for committee is reached the
speaker proposes the question — ,,That I do now
leave the chair.” At this stage members opposed
to the bill may move in amendment, that the
House resolve itself into Committee that day three
or six months, or may propose motions adverse
to the principle or policy of the measure.

In the case of inportant bills requiring careful
inquiry, it is a frequent practice to send them to
a special or a select standing comittee before
referring them to a committee of the whole.

When the bill is reported from the select com—
mitee it goes upon the orders of the day for con-
sideration in committee of the wole. '

When the bill goes before committee of the whole
it is considered clause by clause, but no debate
is allowed on the principle of the bill. Each
clause is separately discussed, and may be agreed
to ,,as amended” — and new clauses may be
added to the bill.

When the committee have fully considered the
bill the charmain reports to the House — If the
committee have made amendments to the bill, it
is open to debate and amendment before it is
ordered for a third reading; but if reported with—
out amendment, it is forthwith ordered to be read
a third time at such time as may be appointed
by the House.

When the bill comes up for its third reading, it
is competent to move that it be discharged and
the bill withdrawn or that it be recommitted —
but in the House of Commons no amendments,
not being merely verbal, shall be made. In the
Senate bills are frequently amended on the third
reading without being recommitted. 1f the House
does not agree to a resolution against the prin—
ciple of the whole measure, or order the bill to be
recommitted, it is finally passed.

When a bill has passed all its stages in one
House, it is reprinted in proper form, and commun—
icated to the other House bij one of the clerks.
If the bill is passed without amendment in the
other House, a written message is returned to
that effect — and the bill is ready to be submit-
ted to the Governor General for his assent. 1f
the bill is amended, a message is sent to the
House in which it originated desiring its concur—
rence to the amendments and when this is given,
the bill is ready for submission to the Governor
General. If the amendments are not agreed to,
they must either be,abandoned by the second
House, or the bill will be defeated for that session.

(Note As to procedings see Bourinot Parliament-
ary Procedure pp 675—6 3 20 Edw.)

The bills passed by hoth Houses remain in the
possesion of the clerk of the Parliaments, until
the Governor General comes down to give the
royal assent. When this is done the several bills
become law.

Private Bills :—Nearly all that has been stated in
regard to the procedure on public bills is applicable
to private bills, which must pass through the same
stages. But private bills must originate by petition,
are subject to special standing orders, and are
generally referred to select committees possessing
quasi—judicial as well as legislative functions for
the protection of all interests involved in the pro—
posed legislation. The promoters of a private bill
must pay certain fees, and all persons whose
interests are affected must have due notice of the
measure. Either House of Parliament may refer a
private bill or petition to the Supreme Court of
Canada for examination and report.

(R.S.C. Cap 135 sec 38.)

Private, like public bills may be introduced in
either House. A member of the House presents the
petition—a clear day must elapse between the
presentation and reception—when it is referred as
a matter of course to the Committee on standing
orders, and it is only after a favorable report by
this Committee that the bill can be presented.

It would not serve any good purpose to detail
the special standing orders, as nearly all private
bill legislation is entrusted to ,,parliamentary agents”
whose business it is to see that these orders are
all complied with. It is sufficient for the purposes
of this paper to note that a copy of the proposed
bill must be deposited with the clerk8days before
the meeting of the House, with a sum sufficient
to pay for its printing and translation; and the
bill must be introduced within the first four weeks
of the session, unless the time is extended. Notice
of application for a private bill must be published
in the Canadian Gazette; and in certain instances
(e. g. for incorporation of Railway or Telegraph
Company) in some leading newspaper for five
consecutive weeks.

It is the duty of the Committee on standing
orders to see that all preliminaries have been
complied with, altho it may recommend that cer-
tain requirements be dispensed with. The report
of the Committee is almost invariably accepted
by the House as cohesive, report is favorable. The
member who has the bill in charge may request
leave to present the bill, and thereafter all
the rules that apply to public bills are applicable
to private bills in their progress through the
Houses.

When a private bill comes up for its second
reading, counsel may be heard at the bar for or
against the bill, but as amatter of practice, counsel
only appears before the committee to which the
bill may be referred. It is the duty of the Com-
mittee to which a private bill is referred to hear
all parties interested.

When the select committee reports to the
House — in the House of Commons the bill is
placed on the orders of the day following the
reception of the report for consideration in com—
mittee of the whole; but in the Senate the report
of the select committee is considered as if it came
from the committee of the whole, and if the
amendments (if any) are agreed to, the bill is
ordered for a third reading.

As before stated, the rules applicable to public
bils apply to private bills, at all stages after their
introduction in the House; but as in addition there
are certain special standing rules and orders applic-
able to private bills, the promoters of such would
in all cases be wise to entrust their proposed
legislation to some regular parliamentary agent.

 

Germany.

The Society for W. S. in Bremen has appealed
to all the women in the city not to give money
for philanthropic ends to Church—societies, until a
favorable answer shall have been received to the
petition for Church-suffrage, which was presented,
signed by 500 women.

DR. AUGSPURG’S PROCESS.

ln Jannuary 1906 the City of Hambnrg made a
restriction in the right of suffrage. This caused
riots in the streets on 17 january, in the repression
of which the police showed more violence than

tact. Our Vice-President, Dr. Anita Augsburg saw
this, and wrote an article against such truly Russian

 

  

 

proceedings as she had witnessed, in the General-
anzeiger. She was accused of libelling the police
and her trial took place from 19—23 Nov. in Ham-
burg. The proceedings brought to light curions
facts showing the attitude of the police against the
people and of the judges and the court against
women. The Chief justice of the State (Staats-
anwalt) said f. i. plainly that women witnesses were
not to be credited equally with men. The verdict
was a fine of 200 marks or 20 days inprison-
ment. We may be sure that our valiant Anita
Augsburg will not fail to appeal to a higher Court.

Lida Gustava Heymann says, speaking of this
trial: ,,Women of Germany, come and flood the
tribunals, the galery is always accessible, even
to us, ,,inferior human creatures.“ There you can
learn what men’s logic, men’s dispassionate wis-
dom and discrimination can achieve, there you can
be struck with admiration of our jurists’ deep
psychological understanding, there you can see
how men, who have been taught already at the
university that women are inferior creatures,

pronounce judgment on women.”

HAMBURG, Nov. 28th.—Dr. Anita Augspurg,
the leader of the German ,,Suffragettes,“ who was
the other day ordered to pay a fine of 10 p. st.
for insulting the Hamburg police, spoke yesterday
at a largely attended public meeting on the sub-
ject of ,,Women and Criminal Law Procedure.”
She severely criticized the German practice esta-
blished ,,by men for men,“ and said thatif women
were to meet with better treatment in the courts
they should demand for themselves female judges,
female magistrates, and jurywomen. Such reform,
she said, was especially necessary in cases affec-
ting women as a sex, including divorce cases and
offenses commited by youthful persons.

No man, declared Dr. Anita Augspurg, could
grasp woman’s psychology so well as a woman,
and the authority of the German courts could never
be adversely affected, but would undoubtedly be
improved by the introduction of the female element.
At the close of the lecture, the meeting unanimously
adopted a resolution eXpressing sympathy with
,,the women of England, fighting with such courage
for their political rights,“ and assuring them that
their victory would also be a victory for the women

of Germany.
(The Tribune.)

ARBEITSPLAN DES DEUTSCHEN VERBANDES
FUR FRAUENSTIMMRECHT.

Der Vorstand des deutschen Verbandes fiir Frauen-
stimmrecht unterbreitet seinen angeschlossenen
Zweigvereinen und Ortsgruppen einen Arbeitsplan,
in welchem praktische Arbeit in folgender Weise
empfohlen wird: Alle offentlichen, politischen Ver—
sammlungen sind von den Mrtgliedern moglichst
zahlreich zu besuchen. Es empfiehlt sich, anfangs
die Mitglieder durch besondere Einladungen auf
die Versammlungen aufmerksam zu machen. In den
St'aidten, wo ein Landtag tagt, ist dessen Sitzungen,
und in allen Stadten den Magistratssitzungen so oft
wie moglich beizuwohnen. Frauen haben sich den
Mannern ihrer Partei zu den Wahlarbeiten zur Ver—
fiigung zu stellen. Es ist festzustellen, welche
politische und andere Stimmrechte den Frauen in
Staat, Gemeinde und sonstigen Einrichtungen zuste-
hen. Der Vorstand had zu diesem Zwecke Frage—
bogen angefertigt, die den angeschlossenen Vereinen
zur Verfiigung stehen. Die wahlberechtigten Frauen
sind durch die Mitglieder zur Ausiioung ihrer Wahl-
rechte zu veranlassen. Endlich wird Verbreitung

von Stimmrechtskarten, Marken undAbzeichen und
Aufklarung fiber den Wert dieser Propagandamittel,
nebst Beschaffung von Geld fiir den Stimmrechts-
fonds gewiinscht.

 

Finland.

With a view to preparing the election-campaign
for March 1907, the Swedish Popular Party, which
in the system of proportional representation may
reckon to have some 25 votes in the Diet, has
established its political program. It contains among
other things the abolition of the guardianship of
husbands over their wives and universal suffrage,
active and passive, in municipal elections. Until
now this right only belongs to unmarried women,
and even they are not eligible. A correspondent
of Goteborgs Handelstidning has got an excellent
impression from the S. P. P. congress. He says you
could feel that it was not exclusively arranged by
men: there was no random talking, and the self-
restraint and parliamentary tact which were shown
might well be called exemplary for men’s congresses.

 

Austria.

On the first of December ended the discussion
on the electoral law in the House of Deputies
(Abgeordnetenhaus) and the law which gives uni-
versal, equal and direct suffrage to all adult male
citizens has been adopted in third reading in the
form recommended by the Committee on Electoral
Reform (with small modifications) with an extra-
ordinary majority. So universal suffrage for men is
now a fact in Austria, for it is improbable that
the House of Lords (Herrenhaus), whose consent
is not yet obtained, should engage in a conflict
with the Lower House and with the Crown, which
has repeatedly used its influence in behalf of adult
suffrage for men. There is in the House of Lords
a strong party for plural voting, yet there is every
chance of the ministry overcoming it.

Probably next spring the elections for a new
Chamber after the new system will take place. In
this great, reform which puts the whole govern-
ment of Austria on a democratic basis, women
have not gained the smallest profit. Not only it
did not give them anything, but it even deprived
them of wath small bit of right they possessed, viz,
the suffrage for possessors of great landed property.
This result was to be predicted, seeing what the
attitude of the Committee had been With respect
to woman suffrage. In the House there was not
even a real discussion on the enfranchisement of
women. The advocates of the measure in the
Committee did no more than state their opinion,
but had not the courage to make a definite proposal.
The reporter who put the bill before the House
thought everybody agreed that woman suffrage
was not expedient now.

This result however, sad as it is, has not depressed
the women but rather excited their zeal. For them
the struggle for enfranchisement begins the moment
that it is ended for the men. They, like every one
else, have been caught by surprise by the suffrage
bill. Nobody had foreseen that this reform was so
near at hand, not even the government. The great
event found the women totally unprepared, they
had neither political organisation — forbidden them
by the law — nor the necessary means and
experienced workers for agitation. Driven together
by the need of the hour, the suffragists made a
hasty alliance, which achieved by the utmost exertions
all that was possible. They held meetings, wrote

 

 articles, presented petitions; and, altough the tang—
ible result is next to nothing, yet the moral result
is evident and cannot easily be overestimated.
Not more than a year ago, any one of us who
publicly or even in private defended the enfranchi-
sement of women, was sure to be ridiculed. The
whole press took so hostile an attitude, that it
was a most difficult affair to get an article or even
a paragraph on woman suffrage into the news—
papers. But this one year has sufficed to educate
public sentiment.

However little reason women have to be content
with the discussions in the Committee and in the
Lower House, one thing must be conceded, that
the discussions were kept in the most dignified
tone. The cheap witticisms on women politicians,
which were formerly so common, have not been
advanced now from any side. This and the fact
that a Minister declared that ,,he had taken the
enfranchisement of women into serious conSider-
ation”, means already enormous progress for the
cause of woman suffrage. Also the press has
learnt to consider the movement for women’s
enfranchisement as a thing no longer to beignored.
Still from that side we do not as yet find the
support we stand in need of. It is the women
themselves who have gained most by the year’s
campaign: the experience obtained now will profit
them in the future, and many of them have only
now, in consequence of the agitation, found the
courage to be publicly known as suffragists. We
are now busily occupied in making up for neglect
and first and foremost we strive to build up an
active organisation which may facilitate common,
concerted action and extensive agitation. The
preparatory steps have been taken, and perhaps I
may be able to give you notice next time of the
establishment of an Association for Women Suffrage,
at least of the women in Vienna. We will take
care that the new elections, fixed, for next spring,
may find us prepared for agitation. And we expect
from the new House of Deputies that it will hasten
to deliver us from the shame and the bondage of
§ 30 of the Law on Unions, which defends political
organisation of women, as it were to show us its
good-will aganist the time, when they shall think
fit to confer on us the full right of citizenship.

H. HERZFELDER.

OUR CZECHISH SISTERS.

The Czech women in Prague and the rest of
Bohemia have not sat still during all their sisters’
struggles. Only it seems to be very difficult, not to
say impossible, for the women of the different
nationalities in the Austrian empire to unite their
efforts for the common purpose. In November 1905
the Czechish women felt the same disappointment
at being forgotten by the Committee for Universal
Suffrage, of which the Hungarian report at Copen-
hagen made mention. They protested, and organised
a club for woman suffrage at Prague. Then they
took part in the great demonstration in Vienna for
Universal suffrage, but on their first big meeting
10 Dec. 1905, where a manifest to the people and
the demand of abolition of the ominous § 30 were
adopted, they had the disappointment of seeing the
socialist women leave their ranks. The 22 000 sig-
natures of a petition to the Reichstag on 20 Febr. 1905
to urge their demands had no effect. Yet they
were not discouraged and tried to come into touch
with the Polish and Slovenic women in the empire,
They never cease to lay their claims before the
deputees; often with success on the part of the
Czechish members, as they proudly state; and now

 

they are sending a circular to each individual
member of the Reichstag. refuting baron Bienerth’s
well-worn arguments of the leap into the dark and
the military service, and asking each deputee’s
support for political equality.

 

Belgium.

In Belgium the laws are made by the Chambers,
composed of men only. The king has the right
either to adopt or to reject the proposals of the
Chambers: that is the right of sanction. The two
Chambers are the House of Representatives and
the Senate. The members of both are elected bij
men only. Of a population of nearly six millions
there are about three millions of male inhabitants,
one million of whom are electors. Of the three
millions of female inhabitants, there is not one
elector, whilst uneducated men, or worse still,
drunkards, enjoy the right of voting. As to the
women, who have to obey the laws, to pay the
taxes and are responsible for their crimes to juris-
diction, they are debarred from the right of voting,
like minors aliens, criminals and brothel-keepers.

lf Queen Victoria of England, Queen Wilhelmina
of Holland and Maria Christina of Spain had been
of Belgian nationality, they would, in their country,
have lacked every right of suffrage. Yet they have
governed nations with intelligence and wisdom.

Our electoral law, reformed in 1894, has extended
the right to vote for the Legislative Chambers to
a greater number of citizens. Before this reform,
the State-Constitution considered the payment of
a certain tax (minimum 40 francs) an indispensible
condition for the suffrage. The census thus debarred
from voting a number of intelligent and educated
citizens who did not pay that amount of tax.

The revision of the Constitution in 1894 confered
the suffrage on all male citizens who are not un-
worthy. It has introduced universal suflrage for
men, but diminished its effect by attributing two
or three votes to those who possess certain war-
rants of age, fortune or capacity. That is called
plural voting. Before the electoral reform there
were only 135.000 electors in Belgium. According
to the lists of 1894/5 the number of electors for
the Chamber is 1.370.687, possessing a total of
2.111.127 votes.

This political reform has only profited men
The women have remained outlaws. The question
of Woman Suffrage has not been so much as
brought up in the parliamentary discussions which
preceded the revision of the constitution. And yet
many Belgian women possess the qualifications of
age, fortune and education, which give to the men
one, two or even three votes.

Such is the actual status of Belgian women
with respect to legislative suffrage. They are as
well deprived of the provincial and municipal
suffrage.

Moreover, women in commerce, employers and
employed, have no participation in the election of
Courts of Commerce and of members ofthe Coun-
cils of Trade, wich respectively have to deal with
contests between merchants and between employers
and employed. Yet there are now in Belgium more
than half a million women subject to the jurisdicton
of these professional courts, and their disability is
neither just nor reasonable.

A bill which extends to women the right of
voting for Trades—Councils is soon to be discussed
in the Chamber. Several Belgian societies for
womens rights (Society for the Amelioration of
woman’s Lot, League for Women’s Rights,Feminist

 

 

  

 

 

 

have received great pressure from outside, demand-
ing that a sentence, so manifestly over-severe,
should be shortened, yet it is now known that
special reasons induced the government finally to
give way; and the actual release on Saturday was
as much a surprise to the Suffragists themselves
as to their friends. Subsequent event at the Hudders—
field bye-election seem however to point to the
fact that the ostentatious show of mercy was a
bid for votes for the government candidate, who,
we of the Women’s Social & Political Union regret
to report, was returned to Parliament on November
28th. On the other hand we have now our full
strength of propagandists once again in the field,
and the fight goes on all the more strenuously on
our side, because some of us now know from
actual inside experience, so much about our stupid,
out—of—date, and obtuse prison system, that we feel,
where men have so completely failed, women must
now be given a chance.
DORA B. MONTEFIORE.

In a letter of remarkable force sent to the Tribune
of the 22nd, Mr. Walter McLaren conclusively
proves, in commenting on a previous letter written
by Mrs. Byles contending for the postponement of
Woman Suffrage until Adult Suffrage comes up for
settlement, that such a policy is in direct enmity
to Woman Suffrage, seeing that it would be post-
poning indefinitely, and certainly for the life term of
the present Parliament, the whole question of the
enfranchisement of women which is now ripe for
legislation. Mrs. Despard writes to the Clarion a
severe stricture on those who, being adult suffragists,
wish to appear also the friends of woman franchise.
She is in accord with those who think the removal
of the sex disability will clear the way for the
larger measure.

SUFFRAGIST ARRESTED OUTSIDE THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS.

A crowd of women, numbering between thirty
and forty, gathered round the equestrian statute
of Richard I, in old Palace-yard, outside the House
of Lords, on 26 November and began to demon—
state in favour of ”votes for women”.

Miss Milne and Mrs. Despard mounted the pedestal,
from which they addressed the crowd, who were for
the most part sympathetic. The cheers brought the
police on the scene, and as the suffragists refused
to desist, the police threatened to make some
arrests. ”This is just what they wanted", said a
constable on duty, ”but we decided to oblige them
by arresting only Miss Milne, who seemed to be
causing the bother”.

Miss Milne appeared before Mr. Horace Smith
at Westminster Police-court on Tuesday, charged
with ”disorderly cenduct” and ”resisting her appre-
hension". A police-sergeant related the details of
the disturbance.

Miss Milne gave evidence on her own behalf
and then the magistrate fined her 105. or seven
days. She elected to serve the seven days im—
prisonment.

In view of this statement it is instructive to bear in
mind Mrs. Despard’s deposition: ”I protest against
this girl’s arrest—I was the organiser of the de-
monstration. I took the most active part in it. I
resisted the police”—and later she said, ”I resisted
the polike more than Miss Milne. did”. Three wit-
nesses at the police court said the police "evaded”
Mrs. Despard and deliberately passed her over.

Canada.

HOW BILLS BECOME LAW IN THE CANADIAN
PARLIAMENT (FEDERAL)

Bills are either public or private. The former
comprise all bills dealing with matters of a public
nature, and may be introduced for the most part
directly on motion. The latter comprise bills
relating to the affairs of corporations or of indivi—
duals, and can be presented only on petition of
the parties interested, and in conformity with the
standing orders.

I. Public Bills .-

As a general rule public bills may originate in
either house —— but,

,,Bills for appropriating any part of the public
revenue, or for imposing any tax or impost shall
originate in the House of Commons.”

(B.N.A. Act. (1867) sec 53.)

In the Senate: —— ,,It is the right of every Senator
to bring in a bill,” (Rule 39) it is not necessary
to give notice or ask leave; in the House of Com—
mons, rule 39 provides ,,Every bill shall be intro—
duced on motion for leave specifying the title of
the bill, or upon motion to appoint a committee
to prepare and bring it in.” When leave has been
granted the speaker proposes the next question —
,,That this bill be now read a first time", which is
decided without amendment or debate — though
the House may divide on the question. The motion
being carried, one of the Clerks reads the title to
the Bill, modern practice not requiring areading
in extenso.

Bills relating to trade, or involving expenditure
or taxation cannot be introduced directly by
motion, but must be initialled in Comittee of the
whole before the House will give leave for their
introduction. The same rule applies to all measures
involving a charge on the public or any class
thereof.

When the bill has been read a first time, the
speaker at once proceeds to propose the next
question ,,When shall the bill be read a second
time?” This is a purely formal motion (though
the House may divide on the question), with the
object of placing the bill on the orders for the
second reading.

When the Bill comes up for its second reading,
the principle of the bill is debated. If a resolution
adverse to the bill be affirmed, or if the motion
,,that the bill be now read a second time” be
simply negatived on a division, the measure will
disappear front the order book; but any member
may subsequently revive it by moving that the
bill ,,be read a second time on next". It is custo—
mary for those opposed to a bill to move, on the
motion for its second reading ,,that the word
,,now" be struck out, and the words ,,this day
(six) months be added at the end of the question.”
This is commonly known as the ,,six months
hoist" —— and if carried, the bill disappears from
the order paper, and cannot be introduced again
at the then session unless, 9. course, it be pro-
longed beyond expectation, so‘that ,,this day (six)
months” is actually reached before the close of the
session.

The bill having been read a second time— the
question then proposed ,,That the House go into
commitee on the bill on next.”

This is a formal motion and generally passed
nem. con.

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

felt keenly on this question would be supe