xt783b5w6x81 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt783b5w6x81/data/mets.xml Gompers, Samuel, 1850-1924. 1921  books b96-8-34457040 English E.P. Dutton, : New York : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Communism. Soviets (Councils)Walling, William English, 1877-1936. Out of their own mouths  : a revelation and an indictment of sovietism / by Samuel Gompers ; with the collaboration of William English Walling. text Out of their own mouths  : a revelation and an indictment of sovietism / by Samuel Gompers ; with the collaboration of William English Walling. 1921 2002 true xt783b5w6x81 section xt783b5w6x81 













OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS

 This page in the original text is blank.

 



OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS

       A Revelation and an Indictment
                  of Sovietism


                      BY
            SAMUEL GOMPERS
      Presidfent of The American Federation of Labor
        Author of "Labor and the Common W1'elfare,"
            "Labor and the Employer," etc.



      With the Collaboration of
WILLIAM ENGLISH WALLING
Author of " Sovietism: The A B C of Russian
  Bolshevism-Accordina to the Bolshevists"



          NEW YORK
E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY
      681 FiFTnH AVENUE

 





        Copyright 1921
By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY

        AU Rights Reserved



Printed 'n the United Slases of America

 

FOREWORD



  I HAVE been under the necessity of observing the Bol-
shevist movement from close quarters for many years.
I have had to contend with it almost daily long before
it seized the power in Russia in the name of Communism
and Soviet. Trotzky is only one of the Bolshevist leaders
who long sojourned in this country to plague the Ameri-
can labor movement. And the few thousands who have
returned to Soviet Russia represent but a small part of
the forces of revolutionary mania in America. These
forces are not strong enough seriously to threaten
American labor-provided they are isolated and under-
stood. But they must be understood and isolated.
  While the labor movement of the world is gradually
but steadily shaking itself free of the illusion that the
Soviets are a workingmen's government-the first work-
ingmen 's government-conservative powers are begin-
ning to give them commercial and political support and
a part of the press is engaged in finding virtuous reasons
for this policy. The pace was set by the British-Soviet
trade agreement and by Lloyd George's speech in Par-
liament in which he contended, with an intentional para-
dox but still quite seriously, that the Bolshevists had sud-
denly become moderates. The work of labor in repudi-
ating Bolshevism has thus become more difficult. Certain
conservatives and reactionaries pretend-for motives of
their own-that they no longer have much objection to
                         V

 

FOREWORD



the Soviets. They are willing to trade with cannibals,
to use an expression of Lloyd George. But labor cannot
affiliate or associate with cannibals-or with tyrants who
rule over labor by the Red Terror and the firing squad.
  Whether an anti-labor despotism rules over one of
the greatest peoples of the earth may be a matter of
indifference to the masters of the British Empire as long
as that despotism is willing to meet the Empire half
way-and to sign away the title to the territories and
natural wealth of the nation. It cannot be a matter of
indifference to labor.
  Labor's interest in putting forth the truth about the
Soviets is in part altruistic. Labor's regard for the wel-
fare of the Russian workers is deep and genuine. But
it also knows that if an anti-labor despotism may be
made to work in one country-however inefficiently-it
will encourage the enemies of labor to try the same
methods elsewhere. Moreover, if the Soviets are given
a certain permanence and success as "moderates" by the
aid of certain governments and financiers they will cer-
tainly continue to represent this success to the labor
of the world as having come to them from their own
efforts as "ultra-revolutionists."
  The outward success of the Soviets-with capitalist
backing-would cost the capitalists themselves dearly in
the end. But labor would pay, and pay heavily from the
beginning.
  The Soviets may or may not reach a common under-
standing of real practical importance with cynical im-
perialists and capitalistic adventurers. There is no pos-
sible common ground between Bolshevism and organized
labor. Nor will the proposed economic alliance between



V1

 

FOREWORD



Bolshevism and Reaction be able to force labor to com-
promise with the Soviets. In the long run this alliance
will help to make still more clear to the wage-earners
the true character of Bolshevism. But its first result is
to re-inforce the already formidable Bolshevist propa-
ganda.
  The miserable collapse of the revolution called by the
Soviets in Germany in March, following upon their
failure in January and February to capture the labor
unions of Italy and France, would have spelled the end
of the Bolshevist menace as far as labor is concerned.
But then came the British-Soviet trade agreement, the
laudatory speech of Lloyd George, and a renewed flood
of pro-Soviet propaganda from capitalist and so-called
"liberal" quarters. So that the Bolshevist propaganda
menace, while in a new form, is more threatening than
ever, and continues to strike at all the foundations of
our democratic civilization-and, in particular at the
principles that underlie the labor movement.
  The American labor movement has lost no opportunity
to prove its warm friendship for the Russian people and
for the Russian Revolution. It has not hesitated to send
its greetings and offer of support even to Socialists such
as those associated with Kerensky-although American
labor is not and never has been socialistic. Officials of
American labor unions have not scrupled for this pur-
pose to associate themselves with certain Socialists of this
country who supported the war in a common address
to the Kerensky government. American labor also, in
its earnest wish to reach the Russian people after the
Bolshevist revolution, went so far as to address a mes-



vii

 

viii                FOREWORD

sage to the Russian nation in care of the Soviets. Both
messages are quoted in the Appendix.
  From the early beginnings of the first Russian Revo-
lution in 1905 every occasion has been seized to demon-
strate friendship. In 1921 the Executive Council of the
American Federation of Labor once more reiterated its
friendly attitude in the following words:

  It should be understood clearly that between the
people of the United States and the great masses of the
people of Russia there has been, is and will continue to
be the most earnest and sincere friendship, and that the
people of the United States express no sentiment to the
contrary except towards those in Russia who are destroy-
ing the opportunities of the Russian people for demo-
cratic self-government, and who, on the contrary, are
imposing upon the Russian people a brutal, defenseless
tyranny. This friendship is the friendship of the work-
ing people and of all the people of our country for a
great people whose character and aspirations have ever
justified the confidence, respect and friendship of all
liberty loving people, and the earnest hope that the sit-
uation in Russia may so change that freedom, justice,
democracy and humanitarianism may be the guiding
principles of their every day lives. For that time and
opportunity American labor fervently anticipates that
the true bond of international fraternity may be estab-
lished between the toilers of Russia and those of
America.

  The present volume endeavors to give a balanced and
equal consideration to all the more important phases of
Sovietism. But, naturally, I am in a particularly favor-
able situation to discuss the Soviet attitude towards labor
both in Russia and throughout the world. The chapters
dealing with this part of the subject should be of interest

 

FOREWORD



not only to labor and its sympathizers but to the entire
community.
  I must take this opportunity to point out that the
hostility of the Bolshevists to the American Federation
of Labor is of the same degree of intensity and of the
same general character as the hostility of a large group
of reactionary employers-a group to be found in all
countries, but at the present moment far more aggressive
and powerful in the United States than in any other
nation of the globe. So closely identical are the anti-
labor-union policies of the Bolshevists and Reactionaries
that a number of instances have already arisen of deliber-
ate co-operation to destroy organized labor. But even
when there is no definite alliance the similarity of the
purposes and methods of the two groups bring it about
that they spread an identical propaganda. The Reac-
tionary, therefore, does not disguise the delight with
which he reads of the Bolshevist attacks on organized
labor, nor do the Bolshevists disguise their joy at the
victories of Reaction. Nor is this the only way by which
Reaction aids Bolshevism; in its refusal to grant reason-
able economic concessions and to cede to reasonable de-
mands for political and legislative reforms, the Reaction-
aries inevitably drive the thoughtless and impatient into
the arms of Bolshevism.
  I have been obliged to deal continually with Bolshev-
ism for the past four years. I have utilized in the
present volume parts of several recent articles from the
official organ of the American Federation of Labor, The
American Federationist, of which I am editor, as well as
certain material in the current report of the Executive



is

 

x                  FOREWORD

Council of that organization. Nearly all of it, however,
is new.
  Mr. William English Walling, who has collaborated
with me, is the author of a number of books dealing with
the international labor movement and of two volumes on
Russia. He spent several years in that country at the
time of the origin of the Bolshevist party and has fol-
lowed it closely for the past fifteen years. His knowledge
of Russia and the international labor movement, to
which I can testify, has proved most helpful.
                                 S  Lu; GOUPERiS.

 

                  CONTENTS

                  CHAPTER I

             America and the Soviets
                                             PAGE
THE POSITION OF AMERICAN LABOR-SECRETARY
   COLBY'S NOTE OF AUGUST 10, 1921-THE BoL-
   SHEVIST ANSWER-SECRETARY HUGHES' NOTE OF
   MARCH 25, 1921-REVOLUTIONARY PROPAGANDA
   BY SOVIET TRADE COMMISSIONERS-TEST OF
   HUGHES' NOTE-SECRETARY HUGHES' REPLY TO
   PRESIDENT GOMPERSECRETARY W. B. WILSON' S
   DECISION Re THE DEPORTATION OF "AMBASSADOR"
   MARTENS-SECRETARY  HOOVER'S VIEWS-THE
   HEARST NEWSPAPERS' INTERPRETATION-OTHER
   NEWSPAPERS-LENIN AS A " CONSERVATIVE "-
   THE OFFICIAL SOVIET REPLY TO THE HUGHES
   NOTE-LENIN'S SUPPOSED " COMPROMISES" AND
   " REFORMS "--" STATE CAPITALISM " ADOPTED-
   THE AVALANCHE OF ADVERSE EVIDENCE-THE PRO-
   BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA CONTINUES UNABATED-
   SOCIALIST, LABOR AND " LIBERAIL" PRo-BOL-
   SHEVISTS................                 1-19

                  CHAPTER II
The Practical Foundation-Mendacious Propaganda

THE FUNCTION OF PROPAGANDA ACCORDING TO THE
   NINTH COMMUNIST CONGRESS-LENIN PUBLICLY
   ADVOCATESMENDACITY-LENIN VIE WED AS A "MAD
   DEMAGOGUE "-LENIN PUBLICLY PLANS TO DE-
                       Xi

 


Xi;                CONTENTS


                                             PAGE
   sTRoy THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY-HIS CRUDE
   FALSEHOODS ABOUT AMERICA, ENGLAND, FRANCE
   AND JAPAN-HE CLAIMS COMMUNISM AS THE
   CENTRAL QUESTION OF CONTINENTAL EUROPEAN
   POLITICS-FANTASTIC PICTURES OF FOREIGN CON-
   DITIONS PRESENTED TO SOVIET RUSSIA-THE
   BOLSHEVIST MONOPOLY OF PAPER AND PRINTED
   MATTER-CONTROLLING THE THOUGHT OF 109-,
   000,000 PXoPL  ................ ...............  20-27


                  CHAPTER III

 The Political Foundation-War against Democracy

THE ORIGIN OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT AS A
   REVOLT AGAINST DEMOCRACY-AiTEMPTS TO IN-
   TERPRET THE WORD "DEMOCRACY " FOR BOLSHE-
   VIST PURPOSES-THiESE ATTEMPTS OPENLY
   ABANDONED-THE SOVIETS ALSO BECOME OBSO-
   LETE-LENIN SHOWS IT IS NOT A LABOR STATE-
   THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
   OFFICIALLY PROCLAIMED-COMPOSITION OF COM-
   MUNIST PARTY-THE SOVIET CONSTITUTION LAID
   ASIDE-WHO CONTROLS THE COMMUNIST PARTY-
   COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP TO LAST TWENTY-
   FIVE TO FIFTY YEARS-THE COMMUNIST PARTY
   A SECT WAGING WAR ON THE UNCONQUERED AND
   UNCONVERTED ................................  28-48


                  CHAPTER IV

               The Reign of Terror

PRESIDENT WILSON'S SUCCESSFUL APPEAL TO THE
   CIVILIZED NATIONS TO OUTLAW THE SOVIETS-
   TERRORISM  GROWN   WORSE-EXTERMINATING

 


                   CONTENTS                   xiii


                                             PAGE
   THE MIDDLE CLASSES-TROTZKY ON BREAKING
   THE WILL OF THE INTELLECTUALS-RED TERROR
   URGED BY LENIN AGAINST RECALCITRANT SOCIAL-
   ISTS-WHOLESALE EXECUTIONS OF HOSTAGES
   OFFICIALLY ADMITTED-MEMBERSHIP OF ALL NON-
   BOLSHEVIST PARTIES A CRIME AGAINST THE SOVIET
   STATE-THE ALL-EMBRACING ACTIVITIES OF THE
   EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSION FOR ADMINISTERING
   TmE RED TERROR-TERRORISM AGAINST AGRI-
   CULTURAL REBELS-TERROR AGAINST THE RED
   ARMY-TERRORISM AGAINST LABOR AND TRADES
   UNIONS-THE EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSION IN
   ACTION AGAINST THE LEADERS OF THE AGRARIAN
   PARTY-THE RED TERROR THE MEASURE OF
   DESPERATION OF A DWINDLING MINORITY ........  49-71

                   CHAPTER V
          Slavery and Compulsory Labor

SYNDICALISM ABANDONED-THE CODE FOR SLAVE
   LABOR-MILITARIZATION OF LABOR-FACTORY
   DICTATORS-LENIN DEFENDS INDUSTRIAL AUTOC-
   RACY-COMPULSORY LABOR THE FOUNDATION OF
   THE  SOVIET  STRUCTURE  (TROTZKY)-LABOR
   ARMIES-COMPULSORY LABOR TO LAST A GEN-
   ERATION-COMPULSORY OVER-TIME-COMMUNIST
   LABOR ACCORDING TO LENIN-AN AMERICAN
   WITNESS-DIFFICULTIES OF LABOR REVOLT ......  72-87

                  CHAPTER VI

   Persecution of Organized Labor-Trade Unions

FREE TRADE UNIONS ABOLISHED-COMPULSORY OR
   GOVERNMENTAL   TRADE  UNIONS-FICTITIOUS
   MEMBERSHIP-THE TRADES UNIONS SUBORDI-

 


xiv                CONTENTS


                                              PAGE
   NATED TO THE COMMUNIST PARTY-COLLAPSE
   OF THE UNIONS ADMITTED BY TROTZKY-THE
   PRINTERS' UNION DESCRIBES BOLSHEVIST LABOR
   UNION PRACTICES-TROTZKY'S PLAN OF APPOINT-
   ING TRADE UNION OFFICIALS-LENiN VS. TROTZKY
   -THE REVOLT WITHIN THE UNIONS-THE CHIEF
   TERRORIST TAKES TROTZKY'S PLACE AS COM-
   MISSARY OF TRANSPORT-APPEAL OF THE PRINT-
   ERS' UNION AGAINST THE CO.,MUNIST PARTY..... 88-103


                  CHAPTER VII

     Oppression of the Agricultural Population

THE AGRICULTURAL POPULATION CONQUERED AND
   SUBJECTED-THE "CLASS WAR" CONTINUED
   AGAINST THE AGRICULTURISTS (PEASANTS)-THE
   "DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT" AS THE
   RULE OF AN INDUSTRIAL MINORITY OVER AN AGRI-
   CULITJRA.', MAJORITY-VILIFICATION OF THE AGRI-
   CULTURAL POPULATION BY RUSSIAN BOLSHEVISTS
   A-ND FOREIGN " LIBERALS "-THE AGRICULTTUR-
   ISTS AS THE INTERNAL ENEMY-LOOTING THE
   COUNTRYSIDE-THE WAR AGAINST THE VILLAGES
   -LENIN'S COVERING PHRASES-THE GREAT " RE-
   FORM " IN BOLSHEVIST AGRARIAN- POLICY-COM-
   PULSORY CO-OPERATION-THE " RETURN TO CAP-
   ITALISM " IN AGRARIAN POLICY-FOUNDATIONS
   OF LENIN'S AGRARIAN POLICY  ................. .  104-124

                  CHAPTER VIII

    The Economic Collapse-Fictitious Reforms

THE ECONOMIC COLLAPSE DUE PARTLY TO BOLSHE-
   VISM-DISORGANIZATION ADmITED-AGRICULTUR-

 


                   CONTENTS                    XV

                                             PAGE
   ISTS IN REVOLT-BUREAUCRACY ABSORBING TOWN
   POPULATION-PERSECUTION OF BRAINS-GOVERN-
   MENT BY PAPER DECREES-UNEXAMPLED INEF-
   FICIENCY-ACCELERATED DEGENERATION OF IN-
   DUSTRY-IMPOSSIBILITY OF SOCIAL AND INDUS-
   TRIAL REFORM UNDER EXISTING CONDITIONS-
   MYTHICAL REFORMS-AN EXAMPLE, THE SUP-
   POSED REGARD FOR CHILDREN AND EDUCATION-
   DREADFUL CONDITION OF SO-CALLED " CHILDREN'S
   HOMES "-ATTEMPTED COMMUNIST MONOPOLY OF
   SCHOOLS-THE WAR OF THE COMMUNISTS AGAINST
   THE SCHOOL TEACHERS-LESS THAN ONE-FOURTH
   OF THE CHILDREN IN SCHOOL-LITERACY DESIRED
   BY BOLSHEVISTS rN ORDER TO SPREAD EFFECT OF
   PRINTED PROPAGANDA-EDUCATION A BRANCH OF
   PROPAGANDA-SEPARATING CHILDREN FROM HOME
   AND FAMILY-CULTURE AND SOCIAL RECONSTRUC-
   TION TO WAIT UNTIL DESTRUCTION OF EXISTING
   SOCIETY IS COMPLETED ........ ........ 125-141



                  CHAPTER IX

  World Revolution-The Attempt to Overthrow
             Democratic Governments

WORLD REVOLUTION REMAINS THIE CHIEF AIM-WARs
   AND REVOLUTIONS REGARDED AS INTERDEPENDENT
   -CIVIL WAR HELD AS THE NORMAL AFTERMATH
   OF REVOLUTION-MILITARY AID FOR FOREIGN
   REVOLUTIONS-REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS USE-
   FUL TO THE WORLD REVOLUTIONARY CAUSE EVEN
   WHEN THERE ARE NO REVOLUTIONS-DENIAL OF
   WORLD REVOLUTIONARY PLANS BY BOLSHEVIST
   REPRESENTATIVES ABROAD-BAD FAITH A FUNDA-

 


xvi                CONTENTS


                                             PAGE
   MENTAL PRINCIPLE OF BOLSHEVISM-WORLD REVO.
   LUTION IN SOVIET AND COMMUTNIST PARTY CON-
   STITUTIONS-REVOLUTION THE AIM OF THE COM-
   MUNIST INTERNATIONALE-SUCCESSES OF MOVE-
   MENT IN CONTINENTAL EUROPE-WORLD REVOLU-
   TIONARY AIM NOT ABANDONED-UTILITY OF
   FOREIGN REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS TO SOVIET
   GOVERNMENT-SUCCESS OF BOLSHEVIST PROPA-
   GANDA AMONG FOREIGN MIDDLE-CLASSES-LENIN'S
   PRESENT THEORY ON WORLD REVOLUTION-BOL-
   SHEVIST HOPES FOR WORLD WARS-THE HOPED-
   FOR WAR BETWEEN EUROPE AND ASIA-PRO-GER-
   mAN T. TDENCIES-PLAN TO ATTACK THE ENTENTE 142-158


                  CHAPTER X

          The Communist Internationale

RUSSIAN SOVIET CONTROL OF THE COMMUNIST (OR
   THIRD) INTERNATIONALE-RUSSIAN ORDERS TO
   BRITISH COMMUNISTS-SPLIT BETWEEN RUSSIAN
   COMMUNISTS AND OTHER EXTREME REVOLUTION-
   ISTS-RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONARY CHAUVINISM-
   WAR ON AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS-COMMUNIST
   SUBSIDIES FOR FOREIGN LABOR PUBLICATIONS-
   How SOVIET PROPAGANDA FORCED THE BRITISH
   TRADE TREATY.................          159-168


                  CHAPTER XI

        The Red Labor Union Internationale

LENIN RECOGNIZES THE TRADE UNIONS AS THE MAIN
   ENEMY-BOLSHEVIST ATTACK ON THE REVOLU-
   TIONARY AND PRO-SOVIET INTERNATIONAL FEDER-

 

                   CONTENTS                   xvii

                                              PAGE
   ATION OF TRADE UNIONS-ORGANIZATION OF TE
   RED LABOR UNION INTERNATIONALE-MEMBER-
   SHIP OF THE NEW BODY-STRENGTH OF RED UNION
   MOVEMENT IN CONTINENTAL EUROPE-STATE
   SOCIALIST TENDENCY OF RUSSIAN EXTREMISTS VS.
   SYNDICALIST TENDENCY OF NON-RUSSIANS-ECO-
   NOMIC ORGANIZATION (THE UNIONS) SUBORDINATED
   TO POLITICAL (THE COMMUNIST PARTY)-LOSOV-
   SKY, SOVIET LABOR UNION AUTHORITY, ACKNOWL-
   EDGES SPLIT WITH REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISTS
   -ACTIVITIES IN AMERICA-COUNTER-ATTACK BY
   THE SOCIALIST (OR SECOND) INTERNATIONALE...... 169-187


                  CHAPTER XII
           European Labor Disillusioned

REVOLUTIONARY EUROPEAN LABOR DELEGATIONS TO
   SOVIET RUSSiA REPORT AGAINST BOLSHEVISM-
   THE ULTIMATUM OF TWENTY-ONE POINTS SENT TO
   THE SOCIALIST AND LABOR PARTIES OF THE WORLD
   -EUROPEAN SOCIALISTS FAVOR ENTENTE MILI-
   TARY ACTION IN GEORGIA AGAINST THE SOVIETS-
   THE FRENCH LABOR UNIONS REPUDIATE MOSCOW
   -ADVERSE REPORT OF SPANISH SOCIALIST DELE-
   GATE-COUNTER-ATTACK OF THE INTERNATIONAL
   FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS-SOVIET REPLY TO
   THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY-THE VOICE OF THE
   RUSSIAN PEOPLE-THE INDICTMENT BY THE RUS-
   SIAN AGRARIANS (THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARY
   PARTY)-THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARY PARTY
   PROTESTS AGAINST PRO-SOVIET ATTITUDE OF THE
   WORLD'S SOCIALISTS ...................... 188-202

 


xviii              CONTENTS


                  CHAPTER XIII

         The Camouflaged Trade Agitation
                                              PAGE
De Facto RECOGNITION OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT
   THE PRIME OBJECT OF THE AGITATION FOR TRADE
   TREATIES-THE CLAIM THAT THESE TREATIES
   MEAN THE ABANDONMENT OF COMMUNISM-
   THE SOVIETS REGARD THE TREATIES AS A VICTORY
   FOR INTERNATIONAL COMMUNISM-CONTINUED
   COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA IN GREAT BRITAIN IN
   SPITE OF TREATY-TRADE TREATIES A, PART OF
   THE BOLSHEVISTS' REVOLUTIONARY TACTICS-THE
   BOLSHEVISTS Avow THEIR PURPOSES IN GRANTING
   COMMERCIAL   CONCESSIONS-COMMUNISTS NOT
   ABANDONING COMMUNISM-THE TREATIES RE-
   GARDED AS MERE ARMED TRUCES-PRESIDENT
   GOMPERS' LETTER ON THE SOVIET TRADE AGITA-
   TION-SECRETARY HUGHES' REPLY-THE SOVIETS
   TWICE REFUSE INTERNATIONAL AID FOR THE SUF-
   FERING RUSSIAN PEOPLE-THE OBJECTS OF THE
   BRITISH TREATY-AMERICA FREE FROM THESE
   OBJECTIVES-THE PRO-SOVIET AGITATION  OF
   PSEUDO LIBERALS-SUFFICIENT  INFORMATION
   Now AT HAND  ........  ..................... 203-227


                   APPENDIX I

            American Labor and Russia

CABLEGRAMS-PRESIDENT GOMPERS TO THE PRESIDENT
             OF THE WORKMEN'S &ND SOLDIERS'
             COUNCIL, APRIL 2, 1917 ............ 228-229
          -EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAN
             FEDERATION OF LABOR TO THE PREST-

 

                   CONTENTS                    xix

                                              PAGE
             DENT OF THE WORKMEN' AND SoL-
             DIERS' COUNCIL, APRIL 23, 1917.... .. 229-230
          -PRESIDENT GOMPERS TO THE COUNCIL
             OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS, MAY 6,
             1917 ............................. 230-232
          -PRESIDENT GOMPERS TO KERENSKY,
             SEPTEMBER 17, 1917 ............... 233-234
         -PRESIDENT GOMPERS, FOR THE ALLI-
             ANCE FOR LABOR AND DEMOCRACY, TO
             THE ALL-RUSSIAN SOVIET, MARCH 12,
             1918 ............................  234


                  APPENDIX II

       The Soviet Administration of Justice 235-236


                  APPENDIX III

The Turko-Bolshevist Attack on the Labor
          Government of Georgia            237-239


                  APPENDIX IV

              Lenin's " Conversion"

THE WORLD REVOLUTION STILL THE MAIN CONSIDERA-
   TION-LENIN SAYS THAT PRIVATE PROPERTY IN
   LAND AND FREE TRADE IN AGRICULTURAL PROD-
   UCTS ARE NOT TO BE RESTORED-GOVERNING OF
   THE PEASANTS WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT TO CON-
   TINUE FOR GENERATIONS-LOCAL AND NARROWLY
   RESTRICTED PRIVATE TRADING ESTABLISHED-
   THE AIM REMAINS TO MAINTAIN THE POWER OF
   THE COMMUNIST PARTY .   ...................... 240-244

 

xx                 CONTENTS


                  APPENDIX V

       Can the Soviets be Saved by Capital
                                              PAGE
THE BRITISH WHITE PAPER SUMMARIZED-NO Possi-
   BILITY THAT RUSSIA WILL BE ABLE TO RELIEVE
   EUROPE FOR A CONSIDERABLE PERioD-RUSSIA
   DEPENDENT ON FOREIGN CAPITAL (OR CREDIT)-
   CAN FOREIGN CAPITAL SAVE RUSSIA IF THE SOVIET
   POWER REMAINS-THE ECONOMIC FAILURE OF
   BOLSHEVISM-INVERTED INTERPRETATIONS OF THE
   WHITE PAPER ................................ 245-253

 












OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS

 This page in the original text is blank.

 

  OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS


                         I

         AMERICA AND THE SOVIETS

  THE American Federation of Labor, at its 1920 con-
vention, resolved:

  That the American Federation of Labor is not justi-
fied in taking any action which could be construed as
an assistance to or approval of, the Soviet Government
of Russia as long as that government is based upon
authority which has not been vested in it by a popular
representative national assemblage of the Russian peo-
ple; or so long as it endeavors to create revolutions in
the well-established, civilized nations of the world; or
so long as it advocates and applies the militarization
of labor and prevents the organizing and functioning
of trade unions and the maintenance of a free press
and free public assemblage.

  This resolution contains a very conservative state-
ment of the anti-labor and anti-democratic nature of
the Soviet dictatorship and the reasons of organized
labor for repudiating it.
  In response to the overwhelming pressure of public
opinion, including not only organized labor but all ele-
ments of the American people, Secretary of State Colby,

 

2     OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS



on the tenth of August, 1920, a few weeks following
the convention, addressed a powerful note to the Italian
Government giving reasons why America refused to
have anything to do with the Soviet dictatorship. The
chief reasons given by Mr. Colby were (1) the unrepre-
sentative and anti-democratic character of the so-called
Soviet Government and (2) the utter unreliability it
had shown in all international relations, including state-
ments by its leading officials that they did not intend
to be bound by their own pledges to "bourgeois" gov-
ernments.
  The Bolshevists' answer was to increase their public
and underground labors in this country. In the United
States as in all European countries, as well as China,
Persia, India, Turkey, Mexico and even in South
America, Soviet agents have been repeatedly caught
carrying vast sums for the purposes of propaganda.
While Russian agriculture is degenerating for the lack
of plows and even of sickles and scythes; while the
laboring class is starving from the degeneration of
agriculture; while the railroads are falling to pieces and
three-fourths of the children are out of school, the Soviet
finds ample means for vast expenditures not only for
propaganda but for military attacks, such as those re-
cently made on the democratic labor government of
Georgia and her neighbors. This money has been taken
from Russia's dwindling gold reserve and the few other
mobile assets such as jewels, art treasures, platinum
and foreign securities, which might have been used as
a basis for restoring her credit and setting up a cur-
rency system at such time as the government became
civilized.

 

AMERICA AND THE SOVIETS



  Democratic governments, no matter how large and
powerful, have no propaganda funds. Hence the un-
deniable and considerable effect of the Bolshevist agita.
tion in America as well as other countries. Though
the evidence coming from Russia, consisting in large
part of Bolshevist documents, is vast and overwhelm-
ing, it has secured less circulation than the audacious
falsifications and inventions of the Bolshevists and their
sympathizers-disproven one day only to be repeated
in some new form on the next.
  The Soviets and their supporters threw themselves
into the Presidential election campaign last autumn
with the avowed hope of securing recognition from
the present Executive and State Departments of the
United States. But in spite of the huge bulk of the
pro-Bolshevist matter put out-by thousands of pub-
lications, the practical results achieved were equal to
zero. The great majority of American people read it,
pondered upon it and-threw it into the waste basket.
  The new administration did not have to hesitate a
moment in deciding what to do. President Harding
and Secretary Hughes had not been in office more
than a few days when, Great Britain having signed
her trade agreement (on March 18th), the Soviets
immediately played their long expected card in the
shape of a note asking that the United States Gov-
ernment officially receive a so-called trade delega-
tion from Soviet Russia. Doubtless one consideration
affecting the new administration in its prompt reply
was the fact that all such trade delegations throughout
Europe had been employed by the Soviets for the pur-
pose of revolutionary agitation to overthrow the gov-



3

 

4    OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS



ernments to which they were accredited. The offer
of three hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars to
the London Daily Herald, the willingness of the Lans-
bury semi-Communist organ to accept it-a publication
which, unfortunately, is also the chief organ of the
British Labor Party-and the proof given by the British
Government that Kameneff, the Soviet "trade" emis-
sary, was privy to the offer, are fresh in the mind of
the American public. Similar instances occurred in
Germany, Italy, Switzerland and other countries.
  But the grounds given by Secretary Hughes, in his
Note refusing to consider the Soviet overture, were
different. Without either re-affirming or amending the
conclusive arguments offered by President Wilson and
Secretary Colby, without considering the non-repre-
sentative character of the Russian Government or its
instability, Secretary Hughes brought forward addi-
tional considerations which have met the almost unan-
imous approval of the common sense of the American
people:

Text of Hughes's Statement Rejecting Soviet's Pro-
     posal for a Governmental Trade Agreement
                 (March 25th, 1921)
  The Government of the United States views with deep
sympathy and grave concern the plight of the people
of Russia and desires to aid by every appropriate means
in promoting proper opportunities through which com-
merce can be established upon a sound basis. It is mani-
fest to this Government that in existing circumstances
there is no assurance for the development of trade, as
the supplies which Russia might now be able to obtain
would be wholly inadequate to meet her needs, and no

 

AMERICA AND THE SOVIETS



lasting good can result so long as the present causes of
progressive impoverishment continue to operate. It is
only in the productivity of Russia that there is any hope
for the Russian people and it is idle to expect resump-
tion of trade until the economic bases of production are
securely established. Production is conditioned upon
the safety of life, the recognition by firm guarantees of
private property, the sanctity of contract and the rights
of free labor.
  If fundamental changes are contemplated, involving
due regard for the protection of persons and property
and the establishment of conditions essential to the main-
tenance of commerce, this Government will be glad to
have convincing evidence of the consummation of such
changes, and until this evidence is supplied this Govern-
ment is unable to perceive that there is any proper basis
for considering trade relations.

  A few words have been italicized as indicating either
features of the Note that were relatively unnoticed or
features of especial importance in connection with the
data presented in the present volume.
  Disturbed by the vast pro-Soviet agitation, falscly
labeled "campaign for the restoration of trade rela-
tions" which was being carried on in the labor unions
-in spite of Secretary Hughes' Note-President Gcm-
pers then addressed a letter to the Secretary asking
for full information as to the facts in the case. The
Secretary's answer to this letter, together with his
Note written a few weeks earlier, when taken together,
give a clear and positive statement of the American
policy. (We quote the two letters at length in a later
chapter in discussing the Russian trade question.) In
his letter to President Gompers, Mr. Hughes points out
the impossibility of aiding the Russian people or of



5

 

6    OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS



improving American trade with that country or of
restoring Russian credit "so long as the present
political and economic system continues." Issued at
that moment, April 18th, 1921, it had a special signifi-
cance. It indicated that the American Government
attached no importance whatever to the so-called
"'reforms" and the pretended abandonment of com-
munism by the Soviet Government early in March. For
not only the pro-Bolshevists but numerous groups of
greedy capitalists and their newspapers as well as a
number of well meaning but uninformed or superficial
editors and correspondents had swallowed Lenin 's
bait, that is, his pretense that he had reformed and
had compromised fundamentally with "capitalism."
  In this letter Mr. Hughes did not limit himself to
pointing out the incapacity of the Soviet Government
to organize production. Even should it be able to do
so successfully, he pointed out that "the attitude and
action of the present authorities of Russia have tended
to undermine its political and economic relations with
other countries."
  In the Note above quoted, in refusing to receive a
Soviet trade delegation Mr. Hughes had stated that
among the fundamental institutions of modern civiliza-
tion which were indispensable if Russian production
was to be restored was the establishment of "freedom
of l