xt7gqn5z6g1b_9 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7gqn5z6g1b/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7gqn5z6g1b/data/50w29.dao.xml Woman's Democratic Club of Fayette County (Ky.) 0.68 Cubic Feet 2 boxes archival material 50w29 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center. Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Mary Shelby Wilson Woman's Democratic Club papers Women -- Kentucky -- Societies and clubs Women -- Suffrage Women -- Political activity -- Kentucky. Mary Shelby Wilson Woman's Democratic Club papers text Mary Shelby Wilson Woman's Democratic Club papers 2016 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7gqn5z6g1b/data/50w29/Box_1/Folder_10/18008.pdf 1925 1925 1925 section false xt7gqn5z6g1b_9 xt7gqn5z6g1b y. _‘. l"
.' THE SEARCHLIGHT ON CONGRESS 7
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. (1 vi f’ r 1
WHAT CONSTITUTES
A LIBERAL DEMOCRACY P
A N A D D R E S S
BY
I MARIAN PARRIS SMITH
3 Protessor 01 Political Economy
, Bryn Mawr College
BEFORE THE DEMOCRATIC
WOMEN’S LUNCHEON CLUB
OF PHILADELPHIA
I ‘83
MARCH THIRTEENTH, NINETEEN TWENTY~FIVE

l i
i?

. i

1 WHAT CONSTITUTES A LIBERAL
|
11 DEMOCRACY ?
Address before the Democratic Women’s
l
1‘ Luncheon Club, March 13, 1925
1 BY MARIAN PARRIS SMITH
i
f: . . . .
11 It seems somewhat fantastic to speak or write in this
3' year of grace on the subject of a Liberal Democracy. We
1 are living in the midst of a Republican administration, and
l' . . . . . 1 .
the keynote of the administration’s policy is ‘material pros—
{‘ perity.” This prosperity, we are told, is well deserved. Its
5‘ . . . . .
:l foundations are laid on cool, calculating, Republican prin-
g? ciples. To contemplate a change of administration, at this
E1 moment is to lay one’s self open to the accusation of some-
, how preferring disaster to prosperity. To believe that it
could be improved, is to suggest gilding the lily, or per-
‘ fuming the rose.
Nevertheless (and with due apologies to the Prophet
Jonah), I believe that much of the present “prosperity” is
economically unsound; that a readjustment is inevitable, and
that when it takes place it is not at all unlikely that far-
i reaching political adjustments may accompany or result
1‘ from it.
p
i The Republican Party is at this moment riding the crest
$1 of the wave. Its leaders are conﬁdent, or say they are con-
1 ﬁdent, of long tenure of ofﬁce. I am no sibyl to read the
[3]
F

future, but if my views are correct there is due an inevitable
reaction, not from prosperity to depression, but from short-
sighted, unsound economic policies at home, from short- ,
sighted and selﬁsh economic policies abroad, to a more far-
sighted and liberal statesmanship. 1
In that event, the Democratic Party might be called on 1.
for leadership. I hold no brief for substituting the “outs” 11‘
for the “ins.” There seems no hope for progress and im— 1
provement, which as patriotic citizens we put above party 1
advantages, unless the Democracy has something to otter :1
in the way of statesmanship that is superior to Coolidge, 1
Protection, and Isolation. J
In 1912, in a political situation, which from this vantage
point of post—war complexities, looks relatively simple, a i
, ' great leader arose. His greatness, at this moment, seems
not so much due to his commanding personality as to the
fact that he had a consistent set of political policies. He
knew what he meant to do in a given political situation;
he had studied the problem of government; he believed that 1
his principles were right. . 1
It may be a very long time before any party or govern- 3
ment sees the equal of President Wilson. To the age—old 1
problem of the Great Man and his Time there is no solu- 1.
tion. The times may call the hero forth, or he may dominate
his age. History never commits itself. But one thing we do
know. We dare not postpone constructive political think-
ing until the great political leader appears to tell us what i
to think, and how to act. Better political and economic con- 1
ditions are brought about slowly but inevitably when ordi— '
nary men and women like ourselves face facts steadily, en-
deavor to get a true estimate of a situation, and with de— ‘
termination plan for progressive action. That is, after all,
the soil from which heroes spring.
[4]

A determination to face facts and to plan for progressive
action is in itself a heroic business, and demands a heroic
temper. It may lead to sacriﬁce, and at best it is bound to

i be uncomfortable. At this point those seeking comfort had
, best turn Republican. The most uncomfortable seats may be
found on the Democratic “right.” It has been a weakness
,. in American political life that each of the major parties has
i: i had a “right” and a “left” wing, that each has attempted to
j appeal to the temperamental liberal and also to the tempera-
i mental conservative. This is known as “carrying water on
i both shoulders," or “straddling.” To a foreign student of
3 politics a comparison of the party platforms in many past
i campaigns has presented bewildering similarities. Each
party promises to carry out the same policies, and each
” bitterly reproaches the other for not doing so. Lest any

vote escape, each promises all.
‘ At the present moment the situation is fairly clear. The
Republican administration is conservative. It is strong
. enough to discipline its own progressive element. It can,
. as it were, pull out feathers from its own “right wing.” The
._ Democratic party should, logically, be in a position to proﬁt
i by this Republican wastefulness. If a forward-looking man
; or woman cannot ﬁnd a home within the Republican fold, a
‘ welcome should be waiting in the Democracy. Personally,
I believe this only occurs occasionally. Progressive Demo-
l crats might hail with joy one sinner that repenteth; Con—
. servative Democrats might “view with alarm" an accession
j to the radical element of their own party. Within the Demo—
3 cratic party there is divided counsel. If the Republican
1 Party is to represent American conservatism, what is the
role of the Democracy? Is it to represent American Liberal-
ism, or is it to ﬂirt with the conservatives and keep a few
policies on hand to tempt the appetite of a jaded reactionary?

[5]

There would seem two courses open to Democrats. They
can continue a “middle of the road” policy and seek planks .
in their platforms upon which both conservatives and lib-
erals can stand; or they can, in their turn, renounce their
reactionary members, read the “moss-backs” out of the
party and propose a “Liberal Democracy.” There seems
in the modern world no place for the temporizing, com-
promising faith. It is even possible that there is small
place for the moderate. We look either back to the past for ,
consolation, or forward to the future for hope. If the Re— ‘
publicans prefer to look back, we can choose to look for— ‘
ward.

What then is a “Liberal Democracy?” Like all causes ‘
worth living for, (and at a crisis, worth dying for), it is not
a thing but a principle. If we subscribe to it, we are tempera—
mental democrats; if we shrink from its implications or its ap-
plications, we are temperamental conservatives and belong to
other ranks. Each one of us is at liberty to deﬁne that prin—
ciple. I offer mine only as an attempt at deﬁnition, not as a
patented solution. It is follows: In a Liberal Democracy it
is a chief principle of government that the welfare of people
comes ﬁrst, and considerations for the institution of private
property comes second. And the corollary to this proposition
is, that property is regarded as a means toward advancing the
welfare of the people, not as an end in itself. Conservative i
as well as Liberal might conceivably subscribe so far. The a
division between the sheep and the goats comes at the 1,
ﬁnal judgment. In any given set of circumstances where the
welfare of the people in general or of any substantial 'frac— .
tion of them comes in conﬂict with the interests of special
property owners, a Liberal Democracy regards the interest
of humanity as paramount and the interests of property as ‘
secondary.

[6]

So far we have been dealing with glittering generalities.
‘ To what concrete program does such a principle commit a
Liberal Democrat?
(1). To every form of International Cooperation that
can sustain constructive statesmanship, promote permanent
friendly relations between countries and extirpate causes of
war. It means whole-hearted entrance into the League of
I Nations, into the World Court, participation on every board
‘ and commission working toward disarmament, civil inter-
‘ course and peace. If isolation be the corner-stone of Re—

publicanism, let International Cooperation be the ﬁrst prin—
7 ciple of the Democracy.

(2). A belief in the interests of humanity as paramount
commits a Liberal Democrat to the methods of peace in
foreign business relations as well as in foreign political
policy. Representatives of a nation cannot consistently sit
on international boards to prevent war, to control the opium
trafﬁc, to promote efﬁcient postal service and to check the
spread of disease, while the business men of their country
practice economic warfare on the business men of a friendly

I people. '
No people can cooperate for any length in international
I affairs without ﬁnding out that business is an international
I affair. Most diﬁerences that have led to international con—
} ﬂict have had their origin in economic disputes. You can-
‘, not cooperate with people and not do business with them.
7 You cannot be a good neighbor “in a general sense” and re—
‘ fuse to have business dealings with your neighbors in
speciﬁc cases. International cooperation, therefore, in the
interest of peace and progress involves Free Trade, as most
of the friction between nations comes ultimately from trade

. barriers.
[7]

It is Utopian, however, to dream that any modiﬁcation
of our present protective system will come from arguments
about international peace. Democrats only waste their
breath in talk of hypothetical free trade. Any modiﬁcation
we can hope for must be gradual and may not be effective
for many years. The aspect of our tariff which must im—
mediately concern us is not so much its power of raising
retaliatory tariﬂ's, provoking international hatreds, and
ultimately causes of war, as its inﬂuence for corruption in a
domestic politics. Protection not only puts a premium on
the un-democratic use of legislative power but it vitiates a
much popular thinking on economic subjects. No one who .
honestly believes that government should be for the beneﬁt
of the governed, can subscribe to a system by which a law
can be passed which forces every one who buys a certain
domestic product to pay a tax into the pockets of a special,
favored, protected interest. All Americans who buy woolen
or cotton textiles, sugar, chemical products, hardware, or
almost any other of the necessities of life pay a price which,
in addition to the cost of producing the goods under stand-
. ard labor conditions, and proﬁts to the capital invested in
the industry concerned, includes an amount of “tribute
money," a bonus paid for “protection."
A few facts on this subject may not come amiss to Lib- U
eral Democrats. Under the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act,
and despite the recommendation of the Tariff Commission, ﬂ
every American consumer pays two cents levy on every
pound of sugar. This amounts to $2.14 per capita, or $246,-
400,000 a year. We pay one cent a pound tribute money on
lemons, one cent a pound (5/10 cents a dozen) on oranges.
and 12 cents a pound on grape-fruit. Our woolen clothing
woolen furniture coverings and house-furnishings cost us
[3]

from 28/181% more than if trade were free. The protection
on underwear and knit goods is from SIS/83%, on cotton
wearing apparel from 23/90%, on silk goods up to 90%, on
leather gloves from 50/70%, on aluminum kitchen ware 80%,
on medicinal and pharmaceutical articles up to 422%, on
dyeing extracts up to 142%, to say nothing of the protection
that enters into the price of all basic materials of construc-
tion and which raises the price of all the necessities of life.
i If a law can be passed which compels purchasers of
t commodities to pay millions of tribute to the aluminum
‘ monopoly, or to the dye industry, or to the sugar growers, or
to the New England woolen trade, why not pass a law giv-
ing a bounty to farmers, doctors, clergymen, or aged ﬁddlers
who can play for country dances? The Liberal Democrat
believes that the interest of the consuming public, (which
means everybody) is greater than the interest of the pro-
tected industries. He believes in Free Trade.
(3). The Liberal Democrat has a deﬁnite ﬁscal policy.
He favors direct rather than indirect taxation. He holds
that some forms of indirect taxation are desirable in order
to control the production of dangerous or undesirable prod-
ucts rather than as a revenue measure. The direct taxes
9 on incomes, the earnings of corporations, and of inheritances
are no easier to pay than indirect ones on domestics manu-
ﬁ factures, services, etc, but they are safer in a democracy.
They let in the light of day. The taxpayer can know where
his money comes from, and may in time become interested
in knowing how it is spent. People paying directly from
their incomes have a keener sense of the weight of taxation,
and hence of the importance of government, than when the
revenue is masked in the price added to taxed goods.
[9]

(4). And ﬁnally, the Liberal Democrat cannot blink the
fact that a belief that the welfare of humanity is paramount
to that of vested property, is committed to a large measure
of social legislation. The complex needs of a modern in-
dustrial community throws a great many duties on govern—
ments, which in earlier, less highly organized social groups,
were unthinkable. In our modern world certain groups need
safeguarding that all may prosper. This means, often, pro-
tective legislation for men and women in dangerous oc-
cupations, the abolition of child labor, that the physique and
morals of future citizens may be kept unimpaired; high ‘
standards of sanitation in factories, schemes of social in-
surance for those groups which in the normal course of
their earning life cannot insure themselves, and before all
and after all, generous ﬁnancial support to education. A
liberal Democrat realizes that most political, economic and
social evils arise from ignorance. Ignorance and Democracy
are incompatible. Democracy only works when the motive
power is intelligence, and works badly when that intelli-
gence is unenlightened. A Liberal Democrat will scrutinize
all the projects for which the Government spends his taxes.
But for one item, at least, he will demand a steady, annual
increase and that is for the purposes of public education.

. (5). And ﬁnally, if the Liberal Democrat is not an out
and out Agrarian, he is at least the Farmer’s Friend. He
realizes that legislation in the past has been sadly over—
weighted in favor of industry at the expense of agriculture. I
Manufacture and commerce have been encouraged by pro-
tective tariffs and partial banking laws, and in view of such
discriminating legislation the great farming industry, de—
spite its vast natural resources has been at an economic dis—
advantage. The Liberal Democrat will not claim for the
[10]

farmer protection and bounty and infect the basic industry
with the virus of corruption, but he will demand increasing
facilities for farm credits, marketing and storage services,
and the extension of scientiﬁc education in agriculture.
Farming, upon which ultimately all other industries de-
pend should not be at any disadvantage compared with
manufacture and commerce.

A difference of opinion as to the importance of manu-
facture and agriculture has distinguished Democrats from
the advocates of privilege since the country was founded.
On no single point did the views of Hamilton and Jefferson

‘ differ more profoundly. In advocating a tariff that was to
become the thin edge of the wedge of Protection, Hamilton
did not dodge the fact that the encouragement of manufac—
tures meant the introduction of the factory system with all
the social problems involved. In the Report on Manufac-
tures presented in 1790 he states:

“It is worthy of particular remark that in general
women and children are rendered more useful, and the
latter (children) more early useful, by manufacturing
establishments, than would otherwise be. Of the num-
ber of persons employed in the cotton manufactories of
Great Britain, it is computed that four—sevenths are

, women and children, of whom the greater proportion
are children, and many of tender age.”

In contrast to this advocacy of the factory system with

. the concomitant evils of woman and child labor, let us cite
the views of Thomas Jefferson on the factory versus the
farm. This appears in “Notes on Virginia, 1782:”

“In Europe the lands are either cultivated or locked
up against the cultivator. Manufacture must therefore
be resorted to of necessity, not of choice, to support the
surplus of the people. But we have an immensity of

[11]

land courting the industry of the husbandman. Is it
best that all our citizens should be employed in its im-
provement or that one-half should be called off from that
to exercise manufactures and handicraft arts for the
other? Those who labor in the earth are the chosen
people of God, if ever He had a chosen people, whose
breasts he has made his peculiar deposits for substantial
and genuine virtue * “ "‘ Corruption of morals in the ‘
mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which no age .‘
nor section has furnished an example "‘ "' "‘ While we
have land to labor then, let us never wish to see our
citizens occupied at a work-bench, or twirling a distaff.
Carpenters, masons and smiths are wanting in hus- ,
bandry; but for the general operations of manufac‘
ture, let our work-shops remain in Europe. It is better
to carry provisions and material to the workman there,
than to bring them to the provisions and materials. and '
with them their manners and principles***The mobs
of great cities add just so much to the support of pure
government as sores do to the strength of the human
body."
There is no setting back the clock of time, and the fac-
tory system for good or evil is here to stay. The complex
problems of industrial society ﬁnd no simple solution in a
return to Jeffersonian Agrarianism. Nevertheless the empha-
sis on the relative importance of industry versus agriculture ,
marks the Liberal Democrat today from the Mercantile
Republican. Agriculture, he believes, is at least as im-
portant to the nation as Industry. It should be the subject
of at least as constructive statesmanship. The farmer should I
not be penalized, any more than the factory worker, ofﬁce
worker, and professional man should be penalized by hav—
ing to pay from the earnings of his labor tribute money
levied by the protected manufacturer on every protected
article made in this country.
[12]

A liberal Democracy, therefore, includes (1) the policy
of international cooperation, (2) the practice of Free Trade,
(3) the ﬁscal principle of direct and progressive taxation,
(4) social legislation in the interest of public welfare, (5)
an agrarian policy of encouragement to agriculture as the
basic industry upon the prosperity of which all others de-
pend. It may include much more of a similar character. But
. its exclusions are more signiﬁcant. It excludes, by its very
deﬁnition, international greed and; selﬁshness, special
privilege and class legislation, ruthless individualism, (per—
, mitting the devil to take the hindermost), and the mercan-
tilism of a certain modern type of “Big Business” which,
upon examination seems not unlike the banditry and high- -
. way robbery of less civilized ages.
[13]

E
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; ________________—_____________
‘; L131 of Pampé/ets ﬂ/reaa/y [Imed
f _____________________________.____————-——-—-————-—-———-—
The Principles of the Democratic Party
1 By HON. NORMAN H. DAVIS
l Former Under-Secretary of State
The Democratic Party and the National Outlook
1; ' By WILLIAM E. DODD
i Professor of American History, University of Chicago
J‘ The League of Nations
By HON. GEORGE NORRIS
‘ What the Democratic Party Has Done for Agriculture
By HON. ELLISON D. SMITH
h Senator from South Carolina
The Federal Reserve System
By HON. CARTER GLASS
U. S. Senator from Virginia
The Front Door to the League of Nations
‘, By MANLEY O. HUDSON
Bemis Professor of International Law at the Harvard Law School
What Women May Do With the Ballot
By EMILY NEWELL BLAIR
Vice-Chairman Democratic National Committee
The Background of the World Court
I By DR. CHARLES G. FENWICK
' Professor of Political Science at Bryn Mawr College
Taxation
By HON. JOHN W. DAVIS
u Former Ambassador to Great Britain
i. _—
The League of Nations After Corfu
By MANLEY O. HUDSON
l Bemis Professor of International Law at the Harvard Law School
‘ The Federal Trade Commission and the Public
By HUSTON THOMPSON
1‘ Federal Trade Commissioner since 1918
l The League of Nations as a Question of Business
a By MAJOR GENERAL TASKER H. BLISS
3 Military Representative of the United States at the
. Paris Peace Conference
i
i H

W
Some Suggestions with Reference to the Present Political
Situation
By HOMER CUMMINGS
Former Chairman Democratic National Committee
Democracy and Conservation
By JOSEPHUS DANIELS
Secretary of Navy, 1913-1920
HOW to Get Into the League of Nations
By MISS M. CAREY THOMAS
President Emeritus of Bryn Mawr College
America and the League of Nations
By RAYMOND B. FOSDICK .
Former Under-Secretary-General of the League of Nations
The Democratic Party and Labor i
By HON. WILLIAM B. WILSON 'I
Former Secretary of Labor
A Call to Democrats
By HON. ROLAND S. MORRIS
Former Ambassador to Japan
The Producer, the Consumer and the Railroads
By WALKER D. HINES
Former Director General of Railroads
Four Paths to World Peace
By DR. STANTON COIT
President of the Ethical Church, London
The Interdependence of Nations
By WILLIAM C. REDFIELD
Secretary of Commerce, 1913-1919
The Opium Problem and the League of. Nations
By MRS. HELEN HOWELL MOORHEAD
Secretary of Committee on Trafﬁc in Opium, Foreign Policy Association
—— I
International Relations—Present and Future
By WILLIAM C. REDFIELD
Secretary of Commerce. 1913-1919 I
The World Court
By THOMAS RAEBURN WHITE, ESQ.
Some Phases of the Taxation Problem
By CHARLES LYON CHANDLER, ESQ.
MarTager Foreign Trade Dept., Corn Exchange National Bank, Philadelphia
m
COPIES OF THE ABOVE WILL BE SENT PREPAID
UPON RECEIPT OF TEN CENTS PER COPY
dd MISS MARIA H. LANSDALE
A r 838 1011 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa.

‘ ‘ﬁhdi‘
D . T 4
I THE
SEARCHLIGHT ON CONGRESS
LENOX BUILDING . WASHINGTON, D. c.
““7?” July 51, tow.
my dear ﬁrs. n.lson:

I think {you will find. the current issue of prime Searonlirht of ('E‘I‘ip—
ping interest. it is the kind of story tnc nemozrats need to nave widely
circulated throuﬁhout tne country. is you will see, there is or unbeliev-
able diffurence between the Uoolidge and nilson attitudes toward t 0 red-
eral rrade Commission. -

rhis is the kind of information rho Searchli at urintc each mo th -~
just facts backed by official records. rho easiest way for you to not
exact political information re ul rly is to r ad rte Searchlight.

.hwther or not you use the blan; I am enclosing, l woulﬁ be glad to
have your opinion of the value to the voters of the country of such in-
formation as this number oontnirs.

gordially yours,
/6 1 '
, .o guynni/
P. S. F0 political canvaign was ever non With three ,onths wsrk before
electinn.

37} I4} :34?
;,%fﬁ gk
" \ E.» 1"" ,
U\\\ ,/"/
XNCORPORATED
\NHOLESALEANE>RETAﬂiLUMBER
THOMASA_COMBS CONTRACTORS AND BUILDERS
PRESIDENT
LEMNGTON,KENTUCKY Arguai

.. A9 I! H

wWenty-fifth

Nineteen

TWenty—five.
Mrem Samuel M. Wilson,
435 Fayette Pars.x
Lexington,
nentucky.
My dear Mrs“ Wilson:
Doubtlese you have seen in the gross announcement
of my acceptance of the chairmanship of the
DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN COManTEE.
I am writing to ask that you be good enough to ac-
cept aggointcent to membership on this committee.

_ It is my earnest desire that I should have, in
the prosecution of the campaign, the benefit of
your advice and counsel.
It Will be to me an inspiration if those I am in«
viting to associate themselves With me premptly
Will signify their willingness to serve“ It will be
my purpose to maze their labors as light as possiblei
consistent With an aggressive and succeesful cams
I gurpoee to make immediate announcement of the
personnel of the committee and for this reason an
early and favorable reegonse Will be greatly ap-
preciated.
Most si:2§;ely yours,

TAG-y ////7 Lee A [ij‘v/1//LJ&Z:>

5:.» “J; I}!
L . ': I: K ? , E
EXECUTIVE OFFICES ‘ 1:? hﬂﬂf’cﬁmﬂﬂng
W Va?) l J] NT “‘6
6% (‘5‘ mg: Ix“ ﬂ INCORPORATED
QT». 4 illc /’E UPPEF?AND CHURCH STREETS
i $15!” g M35
Q}:- \,6 LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY '
THOMASAECOMBS
PRESIDENT
August
TWenty~aighth
Nineteen
ngntwaiVes
Mra. Samuel M; Wilson:
Fayetta Park,
Lexingtgny
Ken tacky ,
My dear Mrs. Wilson:
I greatly appreciate your promgt and gyecious
resggnse t0 my letter.
In the light of What you say, I hesitate to
urge you, but I feel that I can net well get
on Without you and Judge Wilsona
E shall make your labors as lighﬁ as possible
and shall not call you into action excapt Wkan
it aggears to be absolutely necessary.
I would have you understand the maasure of my
appreciation;
Mast Eincerely yours,
.//
//Lx C‘ LLWp‘ LIE
TACap

3“.“
NATIONAL COMMEMORATION COMMITTEE
FOR
WOODROW WILSON’S BIRTHDAY
DECEMBER 28J925
17 EAST 42:: STREET . SECRETARY
TELEPHONE ' KATHFERINE ;. BLACKBUR
VANDERBILT 5070 Get" 2’ 1925' L.IIERL\:NGE::I:1:NER
PRESIDENT I
VICE-PRESIDENTS .
:izirvgmzliziRrRANTsrnom My dear MIPS. Wilson:
S:§ﬁ:t§::oFmﬂR In response to many requests, the Woodrow
Egﬁfwﬁﬁgm Wilson Foundation has undertaken to organize committees
“mm.mhemmcmwn. of representative men and women in every State in the
liﬁtiixﬁw Country in order adequately and fittingly to celebrate
. ROLANDS. MORRIS the birthday 0f WOOdrOW Wilson, our PTeSidBnt Who gaidEd
ﬁg;ﬂf§ﬁ;ﬂg§f*“ us during eight years of storm and stress such as no man
mnmueemn ever before faced, who laid down his life on the altar of
ﬁﬁﬁﬁiﬂﬁﬁrﬂﬁ sacrifice for What he believed to be the cause of his
mms-mwuw country and the World, and who called upon humanity to
take the first step toward the abolishment of war, —— the greatest
enemy that mankind has ever known!

In each large city in every~8tate it is proposed
to have the celebration take the form of a dihner with National
speakers, the object being to reawaken and stimulate those National
and Civic ideals which Woodrow Wilson voiCed and for which he stood.
In the smaller cities, if no dinner can be held, there may be meet-
ings, luncheons, or receptions at private houses. in halls, or hotel
parlors, with local or viciting speakers. No community is too small
to have some form of celebration similar to the patriotic observanc-
es on birthdays of other great Presidents. This should appeal to
all men and women in the country, partisan or non-partisan, as a
tribute of honor and respect for Our deceased President.

We very much desire to have you act as a member~
of the Committee in your city. The duties will be light,-—Princip-
ally to promote the attendance of as many of your friends as possi-
ble at the celebration, and in this way help to insure its success.

As the Celebration will be Nation—wide, you can
realize that it is not too soon to complete the formation of large
and representative committees in the various cities in each State,
and we are, therefore, earnestly asking you to accept membership
on your City Committee and in this way assist the success of
continuity of the movement throughout the whole country.

_ Cordially d sincerel yours,
7/ y . ”3‘5” / /
L. / :4rjngjg,ry Cali/eke;e:e
L. IiVING REﬁéHNEH.

6BLazfzonal Hughes 0/4112cmce
W omen’s Committee
Telephone, 8234 Murray Hill
@53
(Q4M\ / 5/
5n Fiﬁ/7 cﬂvenue, MW York City
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W7C xxx f/ ”£41 / 44
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