xt7gqn5z6h32 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7gqn5z6h32/data/mets.xml Clay, Henry, 1777-1852. 184344  books b92-84-27376479v2 English R.P. Bixby, : New York : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. United States Politics and government 1815-1861.Mallory, Daniel. Life and speeches of the Hon. Henry Clay ...  (vol. 2)/ compiled and edited by Daniel Mallory. text Life and speeches of the Hon. Henry Clay ...  (vol. 2)/ compiled and edited by Daniel Mallory. 1843 2002 true xt7gqn5z6h32 section xt7gqn5z6h32 




















































                                .4: i  At vJ  A  4;i4  
m . R, Amu i me I  F  



       ,
K-1 -     ,



I



 


















A     X     +ai         (           -\a 
  g \ :   .t     "if ''i             4



I         - "I



    )
Ir zjl Ma  



IIr -l ,-tX   1,., )  -
-Z i   n s au-l-ff ;4Kj a2



K I A't  1.X  T a.  A  



a '44. , o ' 2 n  7 



i  Y4, y +4 1 /pvf h / 4 '(t -! ( AtAg  v ' ;y l i' '' ' ' ' '4 I X



C I          I (



- F "

 
This page in the original text is blank.

 




THE



LIFE AND SPEECHES


           OF THE



H O N.



HENRY



C L A Y,



    IN TWO VOLUMES.



    COMPILED AND EDITED BY
DANIEL MALLORY.



V O L U M E



IU.



Fbirb rEbition



    NE
ROBERT



W YORK:
P. BIXBY  CO.
1 844.

 








































Entered according to Act of Congress, in the Year Eighteen Hundred and Forty-Three,

              BY SAMUEL N. DICKINSON,
     In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.






















         BOSTON:
SAMUEL N. DICKINSON, PRINTER,
    WASHINGTON STREET.



 






















         CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.







SPEECH IN DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN SYSTEM, . . . . . . . . 5
SPEECH ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. . . . . . .     . . . . . . 6
SPEECH ON THE NORTHEASTERN BOUNDARY OF TIHE UNITED STATES, . 86
SPEECH ON PRESIDENT JACKSON'S VETO OF THE BILL TO RE-CHIARTER
  THE UNITED STATES BANK, . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
SPEECH ON INTRODUCING THE COMPROMISE TARIFF BILL,  .. 106
SPEECH IN SUPPORT OF THE COMIPROMISE TARIFF ACT,. . . . . .
SPEECH IN SUPPORT OF THE COMPROMISE ACT . . . . . . . . .39
SPEECH ON THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE RETURNING THE PUBLIC LAND
  BILL.  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . . 141
SPEECH ON THE REMOVAL OF THE PUBLIC DEPOSITS FROM THE BANK
  OF THE UNITED STATES.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145
SPEECH ON THE PUBLIC DISTRESS CAUSED BY THE REMOVAL OF THE
  DEPOSITS,.  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . . .  . .  . .  . 191
SPEECH ON THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY FROM THE EFFECTS OF THE
  REMOVAL OF THE DEPOSITS  . . . . . . . . . . . . .194
SPEECH ON THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY.. .  .  . .  .       ... 2
SPEECH ON OUR RELATIONS WITH FRANCE.  . . . . . . . . .204
SPEECH ON OUR RELATIONS WITH THE CHEROKEE INDIANS, . . . . 208
SPEECH ON THE CUMBERLAND ROAD BILL,. . . . . . . . . . 227
SPEECH ON THE APPOINTING AND REMOVING POWER, . . . . . . 231
SPEECH ON TEIE PUBLIC LAND BILL,.. . . . . . . . . . .216
SPEECH ON OUR RELATIONS WITH FRANCE, . . . . . . . . . 25
SPEECH ON THE ADMISSION OF ARKANSAS INTO THE UNION . . . . . 255
SPEECH ON THE FORTIFICATION BILL,.. . . . . . . . . . 257
SPEECH ON RECOGNISING THIE INDEPENDENCE OF TEXAS . . . . . . 260
SPEECH ON THE EXPUNGING RESOLUTION,. . .   . .  . .  . . . 4
SPEECH ON THE SUB-TREASURY BILL.9. . . . . . . . . . .29

 









C I  CN T E N TS.



SI'EECTI ON THE PRE-E-MPTION BILL. . . . . . . . . . . . 301

SPEECH ON THE SUB-TREASURY SCHEME.  . . . . . . . . . .310
SPEECH ON THE DOCTRINE OF INSTRUCTION.  . . . . . . . . 350

SPEECH ON PETITIONS FOR THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY .  . . . . .355

SPEECH AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK. . . . . . . . . . . . . 376

SPEECH ON THE LAND BILL PROPOSED BY MR. CALHOUN .  . . . . . 380

SPEECH ON THE SUB-TREASURY BILL,. . . . . . . . . . . 384

SPEECH AT THE WHlIG NATIONAL CONVENTION OF YOUNG MlEN,. . . . 406

SPEECH ON THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY UNDER MR. VAN BUREN'S

  ADMINISTRATION.  . .  . .  . .  .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . 408

SPEECH AT THE HARRISON CONVENTION. . . . . . . . . . . 427

SPEECH ON THE REPEAL OF THE SUB-TREASURY LAW .   . . . . . 432

SPEECH ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF PROCEEDS OF TIlE PUBLIC LANDS,. .437

SPEECH IN DEFENCE OF MR. WEBSTER.  . . . . . . . . . . 482

SPEECH ON THE VETO OF THE FISCAL BANK BILL BY PRESIDENT TYLER, . 4S5

SPEECH ON THE BANK VETO, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 502

SPEECH ON A GENERAL BANKRUPT LAW.   . . . . . . . . . .508
SPEECH ON THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION RESPECTING THE

  VETO POWER.   .  .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . 512

SPEECH ON THE COMPROMISE TARIFF. . . . . . . . . . . . 30

SPEECH ON THE TARIFF AND OTHER MEASURES OF PUBLIC POLICY,. . 532
VALEDICTORY ADDRESS TO TIlE SENATE.5. . . . . . . . . . 52

SPEECH ON HIS RETIREMENT TO PRIVATE LIFE, . . . . . . . . 569

SPEECH ON SLAVERY AND ABOLITION. . . . . . . . . . . . 595



ixr


 
















                   SP EE CH ES.







   IN DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN SYSTEM.


IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEB. 2D, 3D, AND 6TH, 1832


  [ D URING the session of congress in 1832, in consequence of the violent opposition
to the protective tariff then in operation, by South Carolina and other southern states,
various propositions were introduced for the reduction of duties on imported articles.
which finally resulted in the passage of a new tariff law. in July, 1832. This bill
which was reported in the house of representatives by Mr. John Quincy Adams,
although it was voted for by many southern members, on the ground of its being a
reduction of the former scale of duties, was not satisfactory to them, and the contro-
versy on the subject of the tariff was not settled until the following year, when Mr.
Clay's compromise bill was adopted, providing for a gradual diminution of the tariff
of 1832.
In the following speech, Mr. Clay, in reply to Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, and others,
enters into a minute and careful examination of the American system, and its effects
on the interests of the country; defending, with his usual skill and eloquence, the
doctrine of protection to domestic industry. This effort adds another monument to
his wisdom and fame, which will, we believe, be referred to by statesmen, who seek
the true interests of the country, through all future ages of the republic.
  The resolution offered by Mr. Clay in January, proposing a reduction of duties on
certain imported articles not coming in competition with our manufactures, which
he had supported in the foregoing speech of January eleventh, was still under
consideration. ]


  IN one sentiment, Mr. President, expressed by the honorable
gentleman from South Carolina (general Hayne), though perhaps
not in the sense intended by him, I entirely concur. I agree with
him, that the decision on the system of policy embraced in this
debate, involves the future destiny of this growing country. One
way, I verily believe, it would lead to deep and general distress,
general bankruptcy, and national ruin, without benefit to any part
of the union; the other, the existing prosperity will be preserved
and augmented, and the nation will continue rapidly to advance
in wealth, power, and greatness, without prejudice to any section
of the confederacy.

 





SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.



   Thus viewing the question, I stand here as the humble but
zealous advocate, not of the interests of one state, or seven states
only, but of the whole union. And never before have I felt, more
intensely, the overpowering weight of that share of responsibility
which belongs to me in these deliberations. Never before have I
had more occasion than I now have, to lament my want of those
intellectual powers, the possession of which might enable me to
unfold to this senate and to illustrate to this people great truths,
intimately connected with the lasting welfare of my country. I
should, indeed, sink overwhelmed and subdued beneath the appalling
magnitude of the task which lies before me, if I did not feel myself
sustained and fortified by a thorough consciousness of the justness
of the cause which I have espoused, and by a persuasion, I hope
not presumptuous, that it has the approbation of that Providence
who has so often smiled upon these United States.
   Eight years ago, it was my painful duty to present to the other
house of congress an unexaggerated picture of the general distress
pervading the whole land. We must all yet remember some of
its frightful features. We all know that the people were then
oppressed, and borne down by an enormous load of debt; that
the value of property was at the lowest point of depression ; that
ruinous sales and sacrifices were every where made of real estate;
that stop laws, and relief laws, and paper money were adopted, to
save the people from impending destruction; that a deficit in the
public revenue existed, which compelled government to seize upon,
and divert from its legitimate object, the appropriations to the sink-
ing fund, to redeem the national debt; and that our commerce
and navigation were threatened with a complete paralysis. In
short, sir, if I were to select any term of seven years since the
adoption of the present constitution which exhibited a scene of the
most wide-spread dismay and desolation, it would be exactly that
term of seven years which immediately preceded the establish-
ment of the tariff of 1824.
  I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an
imperfect sketch of the existing state of the unparalleled prosperity
of the country.  On a general survey, we behold cultivation
extended, the arts flourishing, the face of the country improved,
our people fully and profitably employed, and the public counte-
nance exhibiting tranquillity, contentment, and happiness. And if
we descend into particulars, we have the agreeable contemplation
of a people out of debt; land rising slowly in value, but in a
secure and salutary degree; a ready though not extravagant market
for all the surplus productions of our industry; innumerable flocks
and herds browsing and gamboling on ten thousand hills and
plains, covered with rich and verdant grasses; our cities expanded,
and whole villages springing up, as it were, by enchantment; our
exports and imports increased and increasing; our tonnage, foreign



6

 






IN DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN SYSTE9T.



and coastwise, swelling and fully occupied; the rivers of our
interior animated by the perpetual thunder and lightning of count-
less steamboats; the currency sound and abundant; the public
debt of two wars nearly redeemed; and, to crown all, the public
treasury overflowing, embarrassing congress, not to find subjects of
taxation, but to select the objects which shall be liberated from the
impost. If the term of seven years were to be selected, of the
greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the estab-
lishment of their present constitution, it would be exactly that
period of seven years which immediately followed the passage of
the tariff of 1824.
   This transformation of the condition of the country from gloom
and distress to brightness and prosperity, has been mainly the
work of American legislation, fostering American industry, instead
of allowing it to be controlled by foreign legislation, cherishing
foreign industry. The foes of the American system, in 1824, with
great boldness and confidence, predicted, first, the ruin of the
public revenue, and the creation of a necessity to resort to direct
taxation; the gentleman from South Carolina (general Hayne),
I believe, thought that the tariff of 1824 would operate a reduction
of revenue to the large amount of eight millions of dollars;
secondly, the destruction of our navigation; thirdly, the desola-
tion of commercial cities; and, fourthly, the augmentation of
the price of objects of consumption, and further decline in that of
the articles of our exports.  Every prediction which they made
has failed, utterly failed. Instead of the ruin of the public revenue,
with which they then sought to deter us from the adoption of the
American system, we are now threatened with its subversion, by
the vast amount of the public revenue produced by that system.
Every branch of our navigation has increased. As to the desola-
tion of our cities, let us take, as an example, the condition of the
largest and most commercial of all of them, the great northern
capital.  I have, in my hands, the assessed value of real estate in
the city of New York, from 1817 to 1831. This value is canvassed,
contested, scrutinized, and adjudged, by the proper sworn authorities.
It is, therefore, entitled to full credence. During the first term,
commencing with 1817, and ending in the year of the passage of
the tariff of 1824, the amount of the value of real estate was, the first
year, fifty-seven million seven hundred and ninety-nine thousand
four hundred and thirty-five dollars, and, after various fluctuations in
the intermediate period, it settled down at fifty-two million nineteen
thousand seven hundred and thirty dollars, exhibiting a decrease,
in seven years, of five million seven hundred and seventy-nine
thousand seven hundred and five dollars. During the first year,
of 1825, after the passage of the tariff, it rose, and, gradually
ascending throughout the whole of the latter period of seven
years, it finally, in 1831, reached the astonishing height of ninety-



7

 






SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.



five million seven hundred and sixteen thousand four hundred
and eighty-five dollars! Now, if it be said, that this rapid growth
of the city of New York was the effect of foreign commerce, then
it was not correctly predicted, in 1824, that the tariff would destroy
foreign commerce, and desolate our commercial cities. If, on the
contrary, it be the effect of internal trade, then internal trade cannot
be justly chargeable with the evil consequences imputed to it.
The truth is, it is the joint effect of both principles, the domestic
industry nourishing the foreign trade, and the foreign commerce in
turn nourishing the domestic industry. Nowhere more than in
New York is the combination of both principles so completely
developed. In the progress of my argument, I will consider the
effect upon the price of commodities produced by the American
system, and show that the very reverse of the prediction of its foes,
in 1824, actually happened.
   Whilst we thus behold the entire failure of all that was foretold
against the system, it is a subject of just felicitation to its friends,
that all their anticipations of its benefits have been fulfilled, or are
in progress of fulfilment. The honorable gentleman from South
Carolina has made an allusion to a speech made by me, in 1824,
in the other house, in support of the tariff and to which, otherwise,
I should not have particularly referred. But I would ask any one,
who can now command the courage to peruse that long produc-
tion, what principle there laid down is not true  what prediction
then made has been falsified by practical experience
  It is now proposed to abolish the system, to which we owe so
much of the public prosperity, and it is urged that the arrival of
the period of the redemption of the public debt has been confidently
looked to as presenting a suitable occasion to rid the country of
the evils with which the system is alleged to be fraught. Not an
inattentive observer of passing events, I have been aware that,
among those who were most early pressing the payment of the
public debt, and, upon that ground, were opposing appropriations
to other great interests, there were some who cared less about the
debt than the accomplishment of other objects. But the people of
the United States have not coupled the payment of their public
debt with the destruction of the protection of their industry, against
foreign laws and foreign industry.  'They have been accustomed
to regard the extinction of the public debt as relief from a burden,
and not as the infliction of a curse. If it is to be attended or
followed by the subversion of the American system, and an expo-
sure of our establishments and our productions to the unguarded
consequences of the selfish policy of foreign powers, the payment
of the public debt will be the bitterest of curses. Its fruit will be
like the fruit
              'Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste
              Brought death into the world, and all our woe,
              With loss of ;Eden.'



8

 






IN DEFENCE OF THE AIMERICAN  SYSTE. A.



   If the system of protection be founded on principles erroneous
in theory, pernicious in practice, above all, if it be uncons: itutionial,
as is alleged, it ought lo be forthwith abolished, and not a vestige
of it suffered to remain. But, before we sanction this swveepin;g
denunciation, let us look a little at this system, its nmagnitiude, its
ramifications, its duration, and the high authorities which have
sustained it. We shall see that its foes wvill have accomplished
comparatively nothing, after having achieved their present aim, of
breaking down our iron-founderies, our woollen, cotton, and hemp
manufactories, and our sugar-plantations.  The destruction of
these would, undoubtedly, lead to the sacrifice of immense capital,
the ruin of many thousands of our fellow-citizens, and incalculable
loss to the whole community. But their prostration would not
disfigure nor produce greater effct upon the whole system  of
protection, in all its branches, than the destruction of the beautiful
domes upon the capitol would occasion to the magnificent edifice
which they surmount. Why, sir, there is scarcely an interest,
scarcely a vocation in society, which is not embraced by the benefi-
cence of this system.
   It comprehends our coasting tonnage and trade, from which all
foreign tonnage is absolutely excluded.
   It includes all our foreign tonnage, with the inconsiderable
exception made by treaties of reciprocity with a few foreign powers.
   It embraces our fisheries, and all our hardy and enterprising
fishermen.
  It extends to almost every mechanic art-to tanners, cordwainers,
tailors, cabinet-makers, hatters, tin iers, brass-workers, clock-makers,
coach-makers, tallow-chandlers, trace-makers, rope-makers, cork-
cutters, tobacconists, whip-makers, paper-makers, umbrella-malkers,
glass-blowers, stockiing-weavers, butter-makers, saddle and harness-
makers, cutlers, brush-makers, book-binders, dairy-men, milk-farm-
ers, black-smiths, type-founders, niusical instrume nt-mankers, basket-
makers, milliners, potters, chocolate-makers, floor-cloth-makers,
bonnet-makers, hair-cloth-mnakers, copper-smiths, pencil-makers,
bellows-mak ers, pocket-book-makers, card-makers, glue-makers,
mustard-m akers, lumber-sawyers, saw-rnmakers, scale-beam-makers,
sithe-makers, wood-saw-mankers, and many others. The mechanies
enumerated, enjoy a measure of protection adapted to their several
conditions, varying from twenty to fifty per cent. The extent and
importance of sorne of these artisans, may be estimated by a few
particulars. The tanners, curriers, boot and shoe makers, and
other workers in hides, skins, and leather, produce an ultimate
value per annum of forty millions of dollars; the manufacturers
of hats and caps, prodnee an annual value of fifteen millions; the
cabinet-makers, twelve rmillions; the manufacturers of bonnets
and hats for the female sex, lace, artificial flowers, combs, and so
forth, seven millions; and the manufacturers of glass, five inillions.
    VOL. 1I.           2



9

 






1  SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.



    It extends to all lower Louisiana, the delta of which might as
 well be submerged again in the Gulf of Mexico, from which it has
 been a gradual conquest, as now to be deprived of the protecting
 duty upon its great staple.
    It affects the cotton-planter himself, and the tobacco-planter,
 both of whom enjoy protection.
    The total amount of the capital vested in sheep, the land to
 sustain them, wool, woollen manufactures, and woollen fabrics, and
 the subsistence of the various persons directly or indirectly
 employed in the growth and manufacture of the article of wool, is
 estimated at one hundred and sixty-seven millions of dollars, and
 the number of persons at one hundred and fifty thousand.
   The value of iron, considered as a raw material, and of its manu-
 factures. is estimated at twenty-six millions of dollars per annum.
 Cotton goods, exclusive of the capital vested in the manufacture,
 and of the cost of the raw  material, are believed to amount,
 annually, to about twenty millions of dollars.
   These estimates have been carefully made, by practical men of
 undoubted character, who have brought together and embodied
 their information. Anxious to avoid the charge of exaggeration,
 they have sometimes placed their estimates below what was
 believed to be the actual amount of these interests. With regard
 to the quantity of bar and other iron annually produced, it is
 derived from the known works themselves; and I know some in
 western states which they have omitted in their calculations.
   Such are somne of the items of this vast system of protection,
which it is now proposed to abandon. We might well pause and
contemplate, if human imagination could conceive the extent of
mischief and ruin from its total overthrow, before we proceed to
the work of destruction. Its duration is worthy also of serious
consideration. Not to go behind the constitution, its date is coeval
with that instrument. It began on the ever-memorable fourth day
of July - the fourth day of July, 17S9. The second act which
stands recorded in the statute-book, bearing the illustrious signature
of George Washington, laid the corner-stone of the whole system.
That there might be no mistake about the matter, it was then
solemnly proclaimed to the American people and to the world, that
it was necessary for ' the encouragement and protection of manu-
factures,' that duties should be laid. It is in vain to urge the small
amount of the measure of the protection then extended. The
great principle was then established by the fathers of the constitu-
tion, with the father of his country at their head. And it cannot
now be questioned, that, if the government had not then been new'

 To say nothing of cotton produced in other foreign countries, the cultivation of
this article, of a very superior quality, is constantly extending in the adjacent Mexi-
can provinces, and but for the duty, probably, a large amount would be introduced
into the United States, down Red river and along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico.



10

 





IN DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN SYSTEM.



and the subject untried, a greater measure of protection would have
been applied, if it had been supposed necessary. Shortly after, the
master ininds of Jefferson and Hamilton were brought to act on
this interesting subject. Taking views of it appertaining to the
departments of foreign affairs and of the treasury, which they
respectively filled, they presented, severally, reports which yet
remain monuments of their profound wisdom, and came to the
same conclusion of protection to American industry. Mr. Jefferson
argued that foreign restrictions, foreign prohibitions, and foreign
high duties, ought to be met at home by American restrictions,
American prohibitions, and American high duties. Mr. Hamilton,
surveying the entire ground, and looking at the inherent nature of
the subject, treated it with an ability, which, if ever equalled, has
not been surpassed, and earnestly recommended protection.
   The wars of the French revolution commenced about this period,
 and streams of gold poured into the United States through a
 thousand channels, opened or enlarged by the successful commerce
 which our neutrality enabled us to prosecute. We forgot or
 overlooked, in the general prosperity, the necessity of encouraging
 our domestic manufactures. Then came the edicts of Napoleon,
 and the British orders in council; and our embargo, non-intercourse,
 non-importation, and war, followed in rapid succession. These
 national measures, amounting to a total suspension, for the period
 of their duration, of our foreign commerce, afforded the most
 efficacious encouragement to American manufactures; and accord-
 ingly they every where sprung up. While these measures of
 restriction and this state of war continued, the manufacturers were
 stimulated in their enterprise by every assurance of support, by
 public sentiment, and by legislative resolves. It was about that
 period (1808) that South Carolina bore her high testimony to the
 wisdom of the policy, in an act of her legislature, the preamble
 of which, now before me, reads:

 'Whereas, the establishment and encouragement of domestic manufactures, is
 conducive to the interests of a state, by adding new incentives to industry. and as being
 the means of disposing to advantage the surplus productions of the agriculturist:
 and whereas, in the present unexampled state of the world, their establishment in
 our country is not only expedient, but politic, in rendering us independent of foreign
 nations 1.

 The legislature, not being competent to afford the most efficacious
 aid, by imposing duties on foreign rival articles, proceeded to
 incorporate a company.
 Peace, under the treaty of Ghent, returned in 1815, but there
 did not return with it the golden days which preceded the edicts
 levelled at our commerce by Great Britain and France. It found
 all Europe tranquilly resuming the arts and the business of civil
 life. It found Europe no longer the consumer of our surplus, and
the employer of our navigation, but excluding, or heavily



11l

 






2  SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.



burdening, almost all the productions of our agriculture, and our
rivals in manufactures, in navigation, and in commerce.    It found
our country, in short, in a situation totally different from  all the
past -new and untried. It became necessary to adapt our laws,
and especially our laws of impost, to the new circumstances in
which   we  found   ourselves.   Accordingly, that eminent and
lamented citizen, then at the head of the treasury, (Mr. Dallas,)
was required, by a resolution of the house of representatives,
under date of the twenty-third of February, 1815,to prepare and
report to the succeeding session of congress, a system of revenue
coiforrnable with the actual condition of the country. He had the
circle of a whole year to perform the work, consulted merchants,
manufacturers, and other practical men, and opened an extensive
correspondence.   The report which he made at the session of
1816, was the result of his inquiries and reflections, and embodies
the principles which he thought applicable to the subject. It has
been said, that the tariff of 1S16 was a measure of mere revenue,
and that it only reduced the war duties to a peace standard. It is
true, that the question then was, how much and in what way should
the double duties of the war be reduced    Now, also, the question
is, on what articles shall the duties be reduced so as to subject the
amounts of the future revenue to the wants of the government 
Then it was deemed an inquiry of the first importance, as it should
be now, how   the reduction should be made, so as to secure proper
encouragement to our domestic industry.    That this was a leading
object in the arrangement of the tariff of 1816, I well remember,
and it is demonstrated by the language of Air. Dallas. He says,
in his report:

  'There are few, if any governments, which do not regard the establishment of
domestic manufactures as a chief object of public policy. The United States have
alivays so regarded it.           The demands of the country, while
the acquisitions of supplies from foreign nations was either prohibited or impracti-
cable. may have afforded a sufficient inducement for this investment of capital, and
this application of' labor: bkt the inducement, in its necessary extent, must fail when
the (lay of competition returns. Upon that change in the condition of the country. the
preservation of the manufactures, which private citizens under favorable auspices
jave constituted the property of the nation, becomes a consideration of general policy,
to be resolved by a recollection of past embarrassments; by the certainty of an
increased difficulty of reinstating, upon any emergency, the manufactures which
shall be allowed to perish and pass away,' and so forth.

  The measure of protection which he proposed was not adopted,
in regard to some leading articles, and there was great difficulty in
ascertaining what it ought to have been. But the principle was
then distinctly asserted and fully sanctioned.
  The subject of the American system was again brought up in
1820, by the bill reported by the chairman of the committee cf
manufactures, now a member of the bench of the supreme court
of the United States, and the principle was successfully maintained



12

 





IN DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN SYSTE. al.



by the representatives of the people; but the bill which they passed
was defeated in the senate. It was revived in 1824; the whole
ground carefully and deliberately explored, and the bill then intro-
duced, receiving all the sanctions of the constitution, became the
law of the land. An amendment of the system was proposed in
1828, to the history of which I refer with no agreeable recollections.
The bill of that year, in some of its provisions, was framed on
principles directly adverse to the declared wishes of the friends of
the policy of protection. I have heard, without vouching for the
fact, that it was so framed, upon the advice of a prominent citizen,
n1w abroad, with the view of ultimately defeating the bill, and
with assurances that, being altogether unacceptable to the friends
of the American system, the bill would be lost. Be that as it may,
the most exceptionable features of the bill were stamped upon it,
against the earnest remonstrances of the friends of the system,
by the votes of southern members, upon a principle, I think, as
unsound in legislation as it is reprehensible in ethics. The bill
-was passed, notwithstanding, it having been deemed better to take
the bad along with the good which it contained, than reject it
altogether. Subsequent legislation has corrected the error then
perpetrated, but still that measure is vehemently denounced by
gentlemen who contributed to make it what it was.
   Thus, sir, has this great system of protection been gradually
built, stone upon stone, and step by step, from the fourth of July,
1789, down to the present period. In every stage of its progress it
has received the deliberate sanction of congress. A vast majority
of the people of the United States has approved and continue to
approve it. Every chief magistrate of the United States, from
Washington to the present, in some form or other, has given to it
the authority of his name; and, however the opinions of the
existing president are interpreted south of Mason and Dixon's
line, on the north they are at least understood to favor the establish-
ment of a judicious tariff.
  The question, therefore, which we are now called upon to deter-
mine, is not, whether we shall establish a new and doubtful system
of policy, just proposed, and for the first time presented to our
consideration, but whether we shall break down and destroy a long
established system, patiently and carefully built up and sanctioned,
during a series of years, again and again, by the nation and its
Ili-,hest and most revered authorities. And are we not bound
deliberately to consider whether we can proceed to this work of
destruction without a violation of the public faith  The people of
the United States have justly supposed that the policy of protecting
their industry against foreign legislation and foreign industry was
fully settled, not by a single act, but by repeated and deliberate acts
of government, performed at distant and frequent intervals.  In
full confidence that the policy was firmly and unchangeably fixed,



13

 






4  SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.



thousands upon thousands have invested their capital, purchased a
vast amount of real and other estate, made permanent establish-
ments, and accommodated their industry. Can we expose -to utter
and irretrievable ruin this countless multitude, without justly
incurring the reproach of violating the national faith 
   I shall not discuss the constitutional question. Without meaning
 any disrespect to those who raise it, if it be debatable, it has been
 sufficiently debated. The gentleman from South Carolina suffered
 it to fall unnoticed from his