xt7hmg7frf6s https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7hmg7frf6s/data/mets.xml Stone, William L. (William Leete), 1792-1844. 1900  books b929733st72v12009 English A. L. Fowle : New York Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Indians of North America --Wars --1775-1783. United States --History --Revolution, 1775-1783. Border wars of the American revolution. text Border wars of the American revolution. 1900 2009 true xt7hmg7frf6s section xt7hmg7frf6s 
    
    
    
    
    
   WILLIAM L. STONE 
    
    
   BORDER WARS

of the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION

by

WILLIAM L. STONE,

author of the "life and times of red jacket," "history of wyoming," Etc., Etc.

in two volumes. VOL. I.

A.

L. FOWLE

new york

i goo 
    
   PREFACE.

It is related by iEsop, that a forester once meeting with a lion, they travelled together for a time, and conversed amicably without much differing in opinion. At length a dispute happening to arise upon the question of superiority between their respective races, the former, in the absence of a better argument, pointed to a monument on which was sculptured in marble the statue of a man striding over the body of a vanquished lion. " If this," said the lion, " is all you have to say, let us be the sculptors, and you will see the lion striding over the man."

The moral of this fable should ever be borne in mind when contemplating the character of that brave and ill-used race of men, now melting away before the Anglo-Saxons like the snow beneath a vertical sun     the aboriginals of America. No Indian pen traces the history of their tribes and nations, or records the deeds of their warriors and    chiefs   their prowess and their wrongs. Their spoilers have been their historians ; and although a reluctant assent has been awarded to some of the nobler traits of their nature, yet, without yielding a due allowance for the peculiarities of their situation, the Indian character has been presented, 
   IV

PREFACE.

with singular uniformity, as being cold, cruel, mo. rose, and revengeful, unrelieved by any of those varying traits and characteristics, those lights and shadows, which are admitted in respect to other people no less wild and uncivilized than they.

Without pausing to reflect that, even when most cruel, they have been practising the trade of war    always dreadful   as much in conformity to their own usages and laws as have their more civilized antagonists, the white historian has drawn them with the characteristics of demons. Forgetting that the second of the Hebrew monarchs did not scruple to saw his prisoners with saws, and harrow them with harrows of iron ; forgetful, likewise, of the scenes at iSmitlifield, under the direction of our own Urilish ancestors, the historians of the poor, untutored Indians, almost with one accord, have denounced them as monsters sut generis     of unparalleled and unapproachable barbarity   as though the summary tomahawk were worse than the iron tortures of the harrow, and the torch of the Mohawk holler than the fagots of Queen Mary.

Nor does it seem to have occurred to the " pale-faced" writers thai the identical cruelties, the records and descriptions of which enter so largely into the composition of the earlier volumes of American history, were not barbarities in the estimation of those who practised them. The scalp-lock was an emblem of chivalry. Every warrior, in shaving his head for battle, was careful to leave the lock of defiance upon his crown, as for the bravado, " Take it if you can." The stake and the torture were identified with their rude notions of the power of endurance.   They were indicted 
   preface.

upon captives of their own race as well as upon the whites ; and, with their own braves, these trials were courted, to enable the sufferer to exhibit the courage and fortitude with which they could be borne   the proud s< orn with which all the pain that a foe might inflict could be endured.

If the moral of the fable is applicable to aboriginal history in general, it is equally so in regard to very many of their chiefs wliose names have been forgotten, or only known to be detested. Peculiar circumstances have given prominence and fame of t certain description to some few of the forest chieftains : as in the instances of Powhatan in the South, the mighty Philip in the East, and the great Pondiac of the Northwest. But there have been many others, equal, perhaps, in courage, and skill, and energy to the distinguished chiefs just mentioned, whose names have been steeped in infamy in their preservation, because " the lions are no sculptors." They have been described as ruthless butchers of women and children, without one redeeming quality, save those of animal courage and indifference to pain; while it is not unlikely that were the actual truth known, their characters, for all the high qualities of the soldier, might sustain an advantageous comparison with those of half the warriors of equal rank in Christendom. Of this class was a prominent subject of the present rolumes, whose name was terrible in every American ear during the War of Independence, and was long afterward associated with everything bloody, ferocious, and hateful. It is even within our own day that the name of Brant would chill the young blood by its very sound, and cause the lisping child 
   PREFACE.

to cling closer to the knee of its mother. As the master-spirit of the Indians engaged in the British service during the war of the Revolution, not only were all the border massacres charged directly upon him, but upon his head fell the public maledictions for every individual atrocity which marked that sanguinary contest, whether committed by Indians, or Tories, or by the exasperated regular soldiery of the foe. In many instances great injustice was done to him : as in regard to the affair ol Wyoming, in connexion with which his name has been used by every preceding annalist who has written upon the subject; while it has, moreover, for the same cause been consigned to infamy, deep and foul, in the deathless song of Campbell. In other cases, again, the Indians of the Six Nations, in common with their chief, were loaded with execrations for atrocities of which all were alike innocent, because the deeds recorded were never committed : it having been the policy of the pub-,ic writers, and those in authority, not oidy to magnify actual occurrences, but sometimes, when these were wanting, to draw upon their imaginations for accounts of such deeds of ferocity and blood as might best serve to keep alive the strongest feelings of indignation against the parent-country, and likewise induce the people to take the field for revenge, if not driven thither by the nobler impulse of patriotism.

In the execution of this task, the author had supposed that the bulk of his labour would cease with the close of the war of the Revolution, or, at most, that some fifteen or twenty pages, sketching rapidly the latter years of the life of Thayendanege 
   PREFACE.

vu

would be all that was necessary. Far otherwise was the fact. When the author came to examine the papers of Brant, nearly all of which were connected with his career subsequent to that contest, it was found that his life and actions had been intimately associated with the Indian and Canadian politics of more than twenty years after the treaty of peace ; that a succession of Indian congresses were held by the nations of the great lakes, in all which he was one of the master-spirits; that he was directly or indirectly engaged in the wars between the United States and Indians from 1789 to 1795, during which the bloody campaigns of Har-mar, St. Clair, and Wayne took place ; and that he acted an important part in the affair of the Northwestern posts, so long retained by Great Britain after the treaty of peace. This discovery compelled the writer to enter upon a new and altogether unexpected field of research. Many difficulties were encountered in the composition of this branch of the work, arising from various causes and circumstances. The conflicting relations of the United States, the Indians, and the Canadians, together with the peculiar and sometimes apparently equivocal position in which the Mohawk chief   the subject of the biography   stood in regard to them all; the more than diplomatic caution with which the British officers managed the double game which it suited their policy to play so long; the Woken character of the written materials obtained by the author, and the necessity of supplying many links in the chain of events from circumstantial evidence and the unwritten records of Indian diplomacy, all combined to render the matters to be 
   preface.

elucidated exceedingly complicated, intricate, and difficult of clear explanation. But, tangled as was the web, the author has endeavoured to unravel the materials, and weave them into a narrative of consistency and truth. The residt of these labours is imbodied in the second part of the present work; and, unless the author has over-estimated both the interest and the importance of this portion of American history, the contribution now made will be most acceptable to the reader.

In addition to the matters here indicated, a pretty full account of the life of Brant, alter the close of the Indian wars, is given, by no means barren either of incident or anecdote ; and the whole is completed by some interesting particulars respecting the family of the chief, giving their personal history down to the present day. 
   CONTENTS

ok

THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

rentage of Joseph Brant.    Extracts from Sir William Johnson's Journal.   Miss Molly Brunt.   Joseph goes to Battle at the Age of 13    Hi   Marriage........Page 13

CHAPTER II.

the first Bluod of the Revolution.   Loyalists in the Valley of the Mo hawk.   Influence of Sir William Johnson.   His Death.   Colonel Guy Johnson.   Waiter Butler.   Meeting ol the Whigs in Palatine.--Meet-ing of the General Congress.   Cresap's War, and the Death of Lo-

gan

35

CHAPTER III.

Battle of Lexington.    First Strife in Tryon County between the Whigs and Loyalists     The Stockliridge Ind.ans.     Intercepted Letter from Braul.   Colonel Guy Johnson's Intrigues with the Six Nations.   Zeal of the Tryon County Patriots.......36

CHAPTER IV.

Correspondence between the I'ainots and Colonel Guy Johnson.    Capture of Tic-uiidemga.    Buttle  the dressers of the playhouse, and given by the queen. A more than ordinary solemnity attended the audience they had of hei majesty. They were conducted to St. James's, in two coaches, by Sir Charles Cotterel, and introduced to the royal presence by the Duke of Shrewsbury, then lord-chamberlain. (Smith's History.) Oldmixon has preserved the speech delivered by them on the occasion, and several historians record the visit. Sir Richard Steele mentions these chiefs in the Tatler of May 13, 1710. They were also made the subject of a number of the Spectator, by Addison. 
   16

border wars of the

associated in the family of the baronet, as " the daughter of a sachem."

In the manuscript diary of Sir William .Johnson, just referred to, the baronet often had occasion to speak of Brant, of Canajoharie. Sometimes he was called " Nickus Brant," and at others Aroghyadagha, but most frequently " Old Nickus,'" or " Old Brant." As these private journals of Sir William have never seen the light, and are curious in themselves, a few extracts will probably not be unacceptable to the reader, serving, as they will, not only to illustrate the present history, but also the character of the intercourse and relations existing between the English and the Indians, under the administration of the Indian department by that distinguished officer. A more just idea of the character and importance of the chieftain's family may likewise be derived from a perusal of the extracts proposed to be given, exhibiting, as they do, something of the intercourse maintained between the families of the white and the red warriors.

It must be home in mind that the diary was written in the years 1757, I75H, and I7f):{. An expedition against that colony, under the conduct of Lord Loudoun, projected early in the former year, had been abandoned, in consequence of his lordship's inability to bring a sufficient number of troops into the held to meel the heavy re-enforcements sent over thai year from France. Meantime, the Marquis de Montcalm, with an army of 0000 men, had advanced through Lake George, and carried Fori William Henry   the siege of which was followed by a frightful massacre   and was then threatening Fori Edward and the settlements on the Hudson, while, al Ihe west, the French, with their Indian allies, were continually threatening an invasion by the way of Oswego, and by their scouts and scalping parties were vexing the German settle- 
   american revolution.

merits on the Upper Mohawk, and continually harassing the Six Nations, or Iroquois,ever the objects of French hostility In this state of things, it required the utmost activity on the part of Sir William lohnson, his officers, and Indian allies, to kepp themselves well informed as to the actual or intended movements of their subtle enemies. There was, therefore, constant employment, until the close of the year, for Indian scouts and messengers, throughout the whole wilderness country from Lake Cham-plain to Niagara, and Fort Du Quesne, on the Ohio. With this explanation we proceed to the diary :

" 1757.   November 4lh. Canadiorha, alias Nicktis Brant's son, who was in quest after De Couagne as far as Oneida, came here (Fort Johnson), and said he inquired what news was stirring among the Onei-das. One of the sachems told him the same piece of news Ogaghte brought some days since, about the French intending to stop the powder from the Six Nations, building a fort near Chennessio, &c. ; that it made a great noise among the nations, and gave them uneasiness ; wherefore they were assembling often at Chennessio, and keeping (holding) often great councils among themselves how to act in this affair of last moment."

In the next extract it will be seen that Sir William speaks of Brant as a "sachem." Of course it could be none other than the elder, or "Old Brant," at the time, as Joseph was not then more than sixteen years old.

" 1758.   A/rril 15th. Sir William set out for Canajoharie, and took with him Captains Johnson,* Fonda, and Jacobus Clement, in order to settle some matters with the Indians of that castle He arrived that night.

" April ifilh. He delivered a string of wampum to Brant and Paulus, two sachems, desiring them to call all their people out of the woods to attend a

* Guy .tnhusun his sun-in-law. 
   IS

border wars of the

meeting he proposed the next day with them, at which he should let them know General Abercrom-bie's pleasure, and his own inclination and advice; also what passed between him and the several nations, who of late had had several meetings with him."

Preparations were now making for a more formidable and vigorous campaign, under General Ab-ercrombie, who had succeeded Lord Loudoun. His object was an attack upon Ticonderoga, and, if successful, a descent upon Crown Point and Montreal. The French in Canada were, of course, making corresponding exertions to repel the expected invasion. With a view of creating a diversion, by annoying the colony of New-York from another quarter, they were said to be preparing to invade the Mohawk Valley by the way of Oswego and Fort Stanwix. A party of their Indians had made a bold irruption, towards the close of April, upon Burnetsfield, on the south side of the Mohawk, and destroyed the entire settlement; massacring men, women, and children   thirty-three in number   being the whole population save two persons. There had likewise been outrages at the German Flatts, where several Indians had been killed by the inhabitants. The militia were promptly ordered into the field, to rendezvous at Canajoharie, whither Sir William repaired on the 4th of May, to lead them against the enemy, reported, on the same day, to be in force at the great carrying-place (Fort Stanwix).

Meantime, it was well known that the French had left no means untried to seduce the five westernmost tribes of the Six Nations from their allegiance to the English. They had long had their Jesuit priests among the Oneidas, Onondagas, &c.; and a variety of circumstances had occurred to induce the Mohawks to distrust their brethren of the other tribes. Under these circumstances Sir William received the invitation thus noted in his diary : 
   american revolution.

19

" April 4th. Sir William having had an invitation from the Six Nations to attend a grand meeting to be held at Onondaga within a few days hence, where lie intends to proceed, in case the last alarm should prove groundless."

The baronet arrived at Canajoharie in the evening, and attended a dance of the young warriors, having the scalp of one of the hostile Indians engaged in the recent irruption, who had been killed at the German Flatts. He is thus spoken of in the diary, in the handwriting of Sir William's secretary :

" The body of Otqueandageghte, an Onondaga warrior, who lived for some years at 'Swegachy, and formerly a mate of Sir William's, was found. His name was engrav'ed on the handle (of his knife), and how often he had been to war, together with this inscription : ' Otqueandageghte le Camera de Jean-son:"

Sir William was highly respected by the Six Nations, and by the Mohawks, in particular, was greatly beloved. This affection was not only manifested by their actions, but often in their speeches at their councils, and in their concern for his welfare when sick, and for his safety when in the field. Such being their feelings towards the baronet, they were reluctant, under existing circumstances, to allow him to place himself in the power of the Indians about to assemble at the Great Council Fire at Onondaga. They were likewise apprehensive that he might incur danger from some of the scalping parties of the French. These explanations will render the following extracts from the diary intelligible:

"May 5th. Sir William having no farther accounts of the enemy's appearance, sent a scout of two Mohawks, two Canajoharies, and a white man, to go as far as Wood Creek and the Oneida Lake, in order to obtain the certainty of the alarm. About noon, all the women of the chief men of this castle met at Sir William's lodging, and brought with them 
   20

border wars of 7 he

several of the sachems, who acquainted Sir William that they had something to say to him ill the name of their chief women.

"Old Nickus (Brant) being appointed speaker, opened his discourse with condoling with Sir William for the losses his people had sustained, and then proceeded :

"' Brother   We understand you intend to go to a meeting to Onondaga; we can't help speaking with this belt of wampum to you, and giving our sentiments on your intended journey, in the first place, we think it quite contrary to the customs of any governor or superintendent of Indian affairs' being called to Onondaga upon public business, as the council fire which burns there serves only for private consultations of the confederacy ; and when matters are concluded and resolved upon there, tha confederacy are to set out for the great fireplace which is at your house, and there deliver their conclusion. In the next place, we are almost convinced that the invitation is illegal, and not agreed upon or desired by the confederacy, but only the Oneidas    which gives us the more reason to be uneasy about your going, as it looks very suspicious. Did not they tell you, when they invited you, the road of friendship was clear, and every obstacle removed that was in before ! They scarce uttered it, and the cruelties were committed at the German Flatts, where the remainder of our poor brethren were butchered by the enemy's Indians. Is this a clear road of peace and friendship 1 Would not you be obliged to wade all the way in the blood of the poor innocent men, women, and children, who were murdered alter being taken?

"' Brother, by this belt of wampum, we, the women, surround and hang about you like little children, who are crying at their parents' going from them for fear of their never returning again to give them suck ; and we earnestly beg you will give ear to 
   AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

21

our request, and desist from your journey. We flatter ourselves you will look upon this our speech, and take the same notice of it as all our men do, who, when they are addressed by the women, and desired to desist from any rash enterprise, they immediately give way, when, before, everybody else tried to dissuade them from it, and could not prevail.' Gave the belt."

" May \0th. This afternoon Sir William returned his answer to the speech of the chief women of this castle, made to him on the 5th instant, which is as follows :

Dvattrgo   Your tender and affectionate speech, made some days ago, 1 have considered, and thereupon have despatched messengers to Oneida, in order to inquire how things stand there after what happened at the German Flatts, and whether my presence at the meeting would be still necessary. These messengers are returned, and I find by them that the sachems of Oneida likewise disapprove my proceeding any farther, for sundry reasons they give in their reply. Wherefore I shall comply with your request to return, and heartily thank you for the great tenderness and love expressed for me in your speech.' Returned their belt."

The next mention of the Brants contained in the broken manuscripts of Sir William, is found in the private journal kept by him of his tour to Detroit, in 1761, after the surrender of the Canadas. The duty then devolved upon Sir William of meeting the upper Indians around the great lakes, previous ly under the influence, and many of them in the service, of the French, in Grand Council at Detroit to establish friendly relations with them, and receive a transfer of that quasi allegiance which the Indians have generally acknowledged to the whites, French, English, or Ameriian.