xt7wwp9t2q46_110 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/59m61.dao.xml American Liberty League 37 linear feet archival material English University of Kentucky This digital resource may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Physical rights are retained by the owning repository. Copyright is retained in accordance with U. S. copyright laws. For information about permissions to reproduce or publish, contact the Special Collections Research Center. Jouett Shouse Collection (American Liberty League Pamphlets), No. 113 "Should We Amend the Constitution to Grant the National Government General Welfare Powers?" Speech of William H. Rogers, President of the Florida State Bar Association before the Annual Meeting of the Association, April 2, 1936 text No. 113 "Should We Amend the Constitution to Grant the National Government General Welfare Powers?" Speech of William H. Rogers, President of the Florida State Bar Association before the Annual Meeting of the Association, April 2, 1936 2013 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/59m61/59m61_113/Am_Lib_Leag_113_001/Am_Lib_Leag_113_001.pdf section false xt7wwp9t2q46_110 xt7wwp9t2q46 TIIE AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE 4 * *
*
The American Liberty League is organized to defend E A W9
and uphold the Constitution of the United States and to § • •
gather and disseminate information that (1) will teach § Cnnstltutlon to Grant
the necessity of respect for the rights of persons and E I Govern-
property as fundamental to every successful form of gov- Q
ernment and (2) will teach the duty of government to E lnent General Wel-
encourage and protect individual and group initiative E fare Powcrsq
and enterprise, to foster the right to work, earn, save, Q V •
and acquire property, and to preserve the ownership and Q
lawful use of property when acquired. _ Q
A The League believes in the doctrine expressed by Q
George Washington in his Farewell Address that while Q * * *
the people may amend the Constitution to meet condi- Q
tions arising in a changing world, there must "be no Q
change by usurpation; for this * * * is the customary E _
weapon by which free governments are destroyed." g
Since the League is wholly dependent upon the con- 5 Speech of
tributions of its members for financial support it hopes E
that you will become a contributing member. However, E _ WILLIAM H. ROGERS
if you cannot contribute it will welcome your support as Q President of the Florida State Bar `
a non-contributing member. Q Association
`-_—__-_____—____________ Q before the
E Annual Meeting of the Association
Aprn 2, 1936
D II||lIII|O|OU¢O•l0 g
I desire to be enrolled as a member of the
American Liberty League. E ER,
E , C`
Signature .......................................... Q _ P W
E
Name .......... · ·............ . .................. Q rl, 1*%
"’ S
Street ........................................... 3
Q-: § R
§ E
,,2 Town ................................... ` ......... S
¤-• 5 AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE
§ National Headquarters
County .......................... State ........... E NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING
5 WASHINGTON, D. C.
Enclosed find my contribution of $ .......... Z *
to help support the activities of the League. *
(113) g Document No. 113 ·
I
r Should We Amend the Constitution
to Grant the National Government
General Welfare Powers '?
*
J IN RECENT years we have repeatedly
fj amended our constitution and by-laws but I
1 can not recall that any member has ever sug-
. gested that we amend Article VIII which
. provides: “The President shall deliver an
t address at the opening of the annual meeting
A { after his election.” I therefore take it, that to
the present moment at least, it is the unani-
j mous desire of the membership that there be
I an annual address by the president. No doubt,
during the past year you have all tired of my
everlasting preaching for reform in the ad-
ministration of justice. I shall spare you any
H EN you have finished with this further sermons; and shall devote the time
pamphlet please plus it On to Some allotted to me this morning to a subject of
friend Or ac . t h . h b more widespread interest. The storm which is
quam ance w 0 mtg t e , , , ,
interested calling his attention to the brewing over the Federal Const1tut1on is so
’ serious to the welfare of the country that care-
memb"shiP blank on Page 36- ful consideration of fundamentals is not only
desirable but urgent, in order that we may be
properly oriented for thought and action. I
shall accordingly undertake to answer the ques-
tion: Should we amend the Constitution to
grant the national government general welfare
powers?
I IN THE memorable year I776, the scholarly
English historian, Edward Gibbon, published
the first volume of his Decline and F all of the
Roman Empire. In the third chapter he de-
fines monarchy to be:
“A State in which a single person, by whatsoever
name he may be distinguished, is entrusted with the
execution of the laws, the management of the reve-
nue, and the command of the Army.”
Gibbon continues:
‘°But, unless public liberty is protected by intrepid
and vigilant guardians, the authority of so formi-
dable a magistrate will soon degenerate into des-
potism."
3 t
GIBBON then proceeds to outline the inexor- ioverchgn Stitcshmt? a magntfinf na3;ESg;_d
able progress of the transformation of the cum? tt 8 Cstions of I? Myth t hg
lmmm Rmlllllllc mm me l’mmm Emmm "”$Z§t$Z.Z "ZZZ§°Z0Z€Z¤$raEZZ°ZF ain
Augustus Cacsam after his Victory Over Mark ilileir rulers ihis learning was fortiged with
Anthony at Actium, gave rein to his ambition. radical ch crience The than recent CX_
AS with an who have Seized Powell hc Pm- gerience of Ifhe people of France under the
tested his undymgtpatriotism and fidelity to Bourbcmse and of the People of England in
the fundamental pr1nc1ples of the Roman Con- l their Struggles for liberty {towed in the Very
stitution, all the while continuing to concen- l blood of Ogr American fozlndere and the Pic_ ,
tram in his Own hands the Power to direct the tures of those experiences were hast upon the
Senate to raise Such revenues by Such taxes as mind’s screen in minutest detail and sharpest
he Ordered HC appeascd public clamor with utline throu h the lens of colonial stru le
freelpublic entertainment and free distribution :7ith the t fain Of an unrestrained monfrih
of food` H8 made the Senate subservient by a and an onfrni otient Parliament which reached
process of distribution of favors. And then he across the gttantic and Shackled Colonial
EE?filfifii?§.l‘32fSE2gZ1§Zt§l`.° txt; £iLE°‘§Z Ammmmm:u¤mg‘g¥h;*a¤ll¤g dm Mmm Cllmm
the midst of an unprecedented depression and ang the I;/E 025 litg; h th d 1 t t
was distracted by civil discord. Nevertheless, the rwgustiiitioliat Cgnjfvcniilou cassgxsiiegs is
not even a Caesar dared to suggest the abolition Phitadet hia until September 17 of that year A
of the republic, nor openly to violate the estab- Washin $011 °F1_a nktin Hamilton Madison ami
lmlml mmm ml limmm mmmmem· lllllmm their ijmoiei eollabbraters i...Z..i time tim.
commucsz ing and experience to frame "a government of
"Augustus was sensible that mankind was gov- laws and ngt Of me¤_" The Spirit gf the Corr.
erned by names; nor was the deceived by his expecta- etitutione which was ratified by the States, €f_
tion that th? Senate and people would Submit to fective March 4· 1789 is the fundamental prin-
slavery, provided they were respectfully assured that _ _ ° _ _ ’ _ _
they would ehjey their eheteht h.eedem_»· c1ple of the l1m1tat1on of the powers of C1V1l
authority over the citizen, and the possession
Uniting the power he thus gained ever the by the citizen of inherent rights, whieh eivil
lawmakers, and therefore over the public reve— guthgrity ie hound te respect, The second
HUGS, with his COI1Stitl1li0I13l p1‘B1‘0g&lZiVBS to paragraph cf the Declaration cf Independence
execute the laws end eemmend thi? ¤1'mY» Au· . avows that principle in terms. As the Supreme
gustus finally declared himself the “protector Cgurt has Said;
of the people,” and proceeded to lay the “ _ _ _
lmmlmlem ml tlm mmmmml melme lllm h-°£2i.°°ES‘£i§IL2?O ‘1§"i’...}’..°‘},’§.[i1‘Z.‘I.,"§;’ J.?‘§’2£§f r
mately to number among its rulers such out- I gngcthe shetfehtei n P P
standing "protect0rs of the people” as Caligula
and Nero.
THE DECLARATION of Independence repu-
THE AMERICAN Repuhlie Wee more fet.tu_ diated the ancient notion that civil authority
nate in its establishment than was the Roman in mfy {Mm is a¥°S°1ut€ Or unlimited Our
Republte One hundred and fifty years eee Const1tut1on establ1shed a government founded
the great men who were te meld thirteen explicity upon that repud1at1on. Theretofore,
financially exhausted and loosely confederated the accepted doculmc Of government had beam
4 5 r or
as public officials have recently ventured to THE FEDERAL Constitution was written and
assert that it still is, that every right and privi- adopted as the answer to that one uesticm
lege of the citizen comes to him from the state. It is based upon the principle which gnderneé
This iississ is issssi silssis siis siisssy si siss the Declaration aa taaapaaaaaaa aaaaaiy- that
lute and unlimited power in government, from Sovereignty resides in the PCO ie and not in
which the citizen receives such rights and . P ’ -
_ _ _ _ _ the government of the United States; that the
pnvllcges as cull authority may gmm’ Or as government may exercise such powers and onl `
he may wrcst from the govexnmene as the ; such powers as are granted to it b the termls
Msgiis Cississ Wis isisssi iisiii Kiss isiss ss aaa necessary implications of th; document
R“”“"m"d°· A ’ · 1t· (1 th t 11 th t 1
Not only did we announce to the world, on use 3 ai] a a O cr eovanmlcn a Powers
_ _ remain 1n the people, to be exercised by them
July 4" 1776’ the eternal repudlamm of siis in their local and state governments subject
theory of unlimited authority in government, to Such limitations as they may h_0m° time to
but beyond that, the very theory itself is little time impose. AS Abraham Lincoln Said_
- more than superstition. True, it has been in- j °
voked from prehistoric times to the present “This country, with its institutions, belongs to the
moment by those who rule, in order to mes- P•`=°P1¢ W}10 inhabit it·”
merize their subjects and perpetuate their _ _ _
regime, but upon analysis it dissolves as a mist The Federal Constlmuen embedlee Seven
in the sun. The fact is, there simply does not fum?amBma1;' _ _ _
exist any Such Entity as a State or government First. As all governments derive their just
apart from the officials in office. There is no powers from the consent ef the gevernedxi We’
essential force or power which may be called the pc0P1B’ are Ourselves the masters and Our
the State, which is Something Separate from governmental officers merely our servants.
ourselves and which hovers above us and our Second' Ns governmental emeem er Set ef
governmental Officials. Such a concept is a officers, be he Pres1dent,•Senator, Congressman,
pure illusion, a metaphysical fancy, Something Judge, Cabinet officer, District Attorney, or any
of the emotions, but nothing upon the existence (mc of the huudrede ef thousands ef federal
of which People may, by Process of logic, be employees, may exerc1se any powers whatsoever
proved to be Subjects of the State. G0V€m_ except ithose iauthorized by the Constitution.
ment is a mere process or proceeding. In- No majomty m Cengiieee hefvever greats _maY
Voived in it, there are only tllg people and violate the Const1tut1onal rights of a smgle
those of the people who carry on the govern- o Cltlzce
mental procedure. As the law of corporations l _ Th1rd° Ns Bien or group ef men may exel"
has in recent years learned in many cases to mee the cembuied pewere te msks the laws
disregard the corporate nctioni S0 WC? if we- decide whether 1t has been violated, and then
are to consider our government wisely, must execute Judgment en the Vielateri in ethcr
learn to disregard the fiction of the existence Werdei ne mem er group Of men maY exercise
of such a thing as the State, separate and apart despetie Sway bY the Simultaneous €mPl0Ym€m
from tho mono functioning oi government of of legislative, executive, and judicial powers.
the people by other People. If that is Once Fourth. As “an indestructible union of inde-
made clear, then the whole question is simply Stfllctilivle St&teS,°° the National Government
one of how much authority and power shall may €X€I’CiS€ only Such powers as we have
we, the people, vest in this, that and the other dehnitely authorized, leaving all other matters
governmental oflicial or body. to the states and their political subdivisionsa
6 7 2
1 F' th. Th t` t` ‘ ‘ t ‘
so ‘t C cfm **1* ;;“* fs ;1‘,,“S‘?Slfs‘Q as H ALBERT Bsvsmncs aaaaa the sat volume
te Supreme aw e 6 an ° ,a CS an- of his life of Cl1ief Justice Marshall with a brief
acted 1n contravention of the Constitution are . . . .
, , 1nt1mat1on of the contents of his three suc-
V01d; and the Courts are therefore necessar1ly .
d , th t t, f , d, ,d 1 ceedmg volumes. In the last sentence of volume
m ow-r in . .
C P , C ,C ’ , C Pm Cc wu 0 m lvl ua one he summarizes this preface to volumes two,
constitutional rights, to hold such laws VO1d. three and four as follow?
` 9 7 ‘
— . f “In short,” says Beveridge, “we are to survey a
sllkc rhC“dcca10guC’ SIYHIIQC swirl of forces, BCOHOIIIIC and CITIOIIOIIHI,
eenttuns numereus end empnette tneu shalt { throwing to the surface now one ‘issue’ and now
I10t’S.” There are to be found within it but another, all of them centering in the sovereign ques-
twenty grants of power to the national govern- tion Gt Nstisnslism 0* 5*3*8% Tights},
ment, but these twenty grants are safeguarded With thoso briof Words, Written in 19167
Wttn tntrtY'ene expressed restrtunts upen get" Senator Beveridge not only prefaced the con-
ernment far tne preteeuen er the etttZen· rt tents of the following volumes of his immortal
places beyond the reach of governmental inter- biography; ho Summarizod not on1y tho ovoms
ference the fundamentals of human life, liberty of Mo1.Sho11¤S 11fo from 1789 to 1835, but also
and neppmess IF is ne mgstr deeument em' the history of this country from 1835 to 1916,
harmed In tne nettenal erentvee Every pnrese and with prophetic tongue foretold the future
and clause 1S filled with meaning for the ordi- history of Amorioo from 1916 to 1936.
nary 1nd1v1dual. It records the birthright of Today, wo usurvoy 3 Stroogo Swil.1 of forces,
every Amerleem It utvlees thc menenente economic and emotional . . . centering in the
rtgnts sf tha Amerteen citizen mte tvve runue' sovereign question of Nationalism versus state’s
msmsi smurs Thess srs equality bsfsrs the agiaar Today America again considers the
tewj and freedom ¤¤d·ir_1sw· fundamentals of its Constitution. The adequacy
euttu Tnus= everv etttzen ts entttteet ts all of the Constitution to meet present-day social
tne rrgnts sud prtvueges sf everY other etttzem and economic conditions is again questioned.
ne msn may bs exerted eneve nts fallow ettt' The historic pattern of American government
Zeus by true er ¤<{b}1¤ys H0 stete mev dtsertmb is challenged and the Constitution is becoming
nete sssmst thc ettrzens of env other state? ue a national issue. In fact, it looms on the hori-
men mev bs mad? tne steve of enetneri everv zon as a major political issue, if not of 1936,
man shall be entitled to equal protection of thou of194O_
tneuevv? end tevvs must epptv to eu without Last summer’s grass-roots convention of Mid-
dlstmettetr _ _ west Republicans at Springfield sounded the
Seventn And avery etttzen Wne Obsys suen keynote of states’ rights. An administration
laws snen bs rree ts pursue neppmess as hs spokesman in a Constitution Day address last .
pleases; subject to such laws, he may think Soptombol. propounded this question:
and speak as he will, and worship as his heart
may oonotroin him, what he earns 11 o ma , “lf there is not sufficient constitutional authority
d h 1.k _ 7 . h h. 1.1. h,Y for the Federal government to deal properly with a
Steen as 6 _ 1 cS’ neu cr IS 1 c’ nor IS nation-wide economic and social crisis, is it the will
11b€I`tY, DOP IHS PI`0P€I°lZY may be t3k€H €XC€Pt of the American people to amend their COHStitl1·
by due process of law; nor may he be punished ti0n?"
I without a fair and open trial before a jury of ~
nts equtus• THE STRUGGLE between centralization and
Suen ts tne essenee of tue Amertetm eenstk decentralization of power has existed since the
tutwnal system. adoption of the Articles of Confederation. It
was bitterly waged in the deliberations of And today, we find the position of these two
A the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia. parties again reversed, and view the irony of
The Constitution was itself a compromise ac- J effersonian Republicans decrying Hamiltonian
ceptable to the two contending factions, and Democrats.
the limited degree of centralization provided
in the Constitution came near preventing its
ratification by the states. On June 20, 1788, in t SCLCALLED liberals of todaY are more
closing the debate, in the Constitutional Con- A dl than aPt to dtslsarage those of states, rights
vention of Virginia, the venerable George Pe1`suast°h· A Promtheht Professor reeehttY
Mason, in his last speech in opposition to rati- t ahhouheedi
{ication, uttered an unconscious prophecy of a .,By Serious people who have no economic axe to
usutury and a half or uuustiuuiuuul history- grind, the states’ rights issue may be dismissed as in-
wphere atetv Said Mason, Mmehy gentlemen in consequential. There is nothing sacrosanct about ·
the United States who think it right that we Should states’ rights. It is and always has been a convenient
have one great national eoasohdated government.” sud usufui bsulu or fur suv smuv whuss uususmiu
toes are endangered by federal action."
How true that remark is today after the
lapse of 148 years! Another speaker charges that the doctrine
is merely "the alibi of those who have selfish-
NOR IS THERE occasion for us to be sur- interests to protect.” I can concede these state-
prised to observe first one party and then an- ments as only half truths. Just as truly we
other advocating strong central government as may say that those with selfish interests to
against states’ rights; nor to observe 1936 protect have, time and again in the past, ap-
spokesmen of the Republican Party crying for pealed for a strong central government. The
states’ rights, nor the Democratic administra- fact is that neither states° rights nor centralized
tion demanding "a great national consolidated government has been the alibi of the selfish
government.” True these great parties have nor the creed` of the altruist. My personal
now reversed their historic positions; but that observation is that both doctrines have been
is no novelty. advocated indiirerently by both classes, and
Hamilton, the Federalist, fought the issue that the only generalization which may fairly
with Jefferson the Democrat (Republican), In be made is that those who have at times been in
1808 New England threatened secession on this control of the national government are prone to
very issue. In 1809 the Richmond Enquirer demand centralization of power, while those out
charged the Federalists with being turncoats on of power for the time being take up the cudgels
the issue, commenting caustically on reversal of in d€f6!1S6 of S'f¤t6S’ fights- Y0U may 1‘66dilY
their professions of 1799. In 1833 South Caro- draw your own conclusions from that circum-
lina lead the states’ rights faction toward nullifi- St8I1G€·
cation. In 1859 Wsisconsin and Ohio outstripped J
the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1788 ,
e and 1789. As Carl Sehurz writes in his Remi- BUT AT ANY RATE· as respects our attttdde A
niseeneest ¤eThe Republican Party Went to the towards the Constitution and the kind of gov-
very verge of nullification, while the Democratic ernment We Wish to tive under, Amuricsus urs
Party became the ardent defender of federal again ranging thsmsslvss into two grottPs· This
power.” During the Civil War the Republican grouping will doubtless VarY somewhat as tho
Pat-ty became, the champion Of federal power, issue assumes the shape of specific proposals.
with the Democrats standing for atatear rights. Huwuvuo russrdius ubisctivcs cuba sud dis-
. 10 u 11 A e J
l
[ I
regarding the means thereto, the two schools casts that °°tl1e Constitution is just a foil for
of thought may be roughly described as fol- clever fencing,—an antediluvian joke to be re-
lows: spected in public like a Sacred Cow and re-
First, there are those who believe in the garded in private somewhat as Gertrude Stein
present constitutional framework of a federa- P1‘0b3}JlY regards the poet Tennys0n.”
tion of sovereign states, which endow the cen-
tral government with specific limited powers, ¤
and separate its legislative, executive, and judi- BUT MANY of us entertain an utterly differ-
cial powers as rigidly as possible. ent view. When our good faith is conceded,
On the other hand, there are those who be- = as it often is not, we are charged with un-
lieve that the present constitutional framework _ reasoning veneration, with viewing the Consti-
can be preserved only at the sacrifice of social tution through an aura of sanctity and with
and economic progress; and that only a more hysterical attachment, resulting from a hun-
powerful central government can enforce dred and forty-odd years of Fourth of July
needed social and economic standards. orations, from our love of country, George
Washington, and the Stars and Stripes.
Such char es are of course without founda-
CONGRESS is HOW flooded with reeolutione tion. The eruth (ff the matier is that there
fel' the amendment of the Cenetllnllené el are very many of us who do not participate in
Washington PePel’ Says there are uneeunted party politics and are therefore not obligated
numbers; but the Keller Amendment, intro- by Petty loyalties and who do not Vote our
duced last June following the decision of the emotions, but who, nevertheless, oppose the
Supreme Ceurt ee the N‘R‘A‘¤ is veelleve type centralization of power in Washington. Per-
eel· The Keller eeeelullee ree·le= ‘ eeheuy, 1 have no quarrel with the motives
“Congress shall have power to pass all laws which end worthy desires ef theee whe deery States,
in its judgment shall be necessary to provide for rights and appeal f0I' increased centralization
' me general welfare el the n°Ple·” of power in the national government. In a
broad way I concur in their objectives. Where
Recent speakers, notably Secretary Wallace, we part company is on the matter of methods-
lightly tefer to amending the Constitution as TOO many of guy people confuse objectives with
merely e elleeee le the mlee lleleeeeelly meeheee, {eh to distinguish means from ends
to fzhangc the date of the prcsldcmml imaugw and vaguely feel that if an end is desirable all
mmm from March 4 to “ January 20’ and to that ou have to do is to enact le islation ro-
C change the convening of Congress from the .d. Y i. h d . d ii d . g i. P
first Monday in December to the third day of Z1 me 01,,; 6 SBIR fen an Him act0.yi(iu
January, are mere changes in the rules; but , ave lt; ,00 uiauy 0 our PBOP c° cspecla Y
most Of the Provisions of the Constitution in public life, fail to count the cost of desuiable
. . . objectives. Too many needs must have direct
embody fundamental principles which can no _ _ _
more be amended Without Serious results to results and immediate action regardless of con-
the American system of government than the Scqucncee Them em tee many Wh°’ though
Ten Commandments could be amended with they lack Esau’s hairy hands, nevertheless per-
Out undermining the Social 0i,dei,_ petuate his mentality. Too many will trade
Other Speakers, Sueli as General Johnson, principles for comforts. Too many will risk
A regard thc Constitution as a ielie oi e bygone their liberty for security and too many will sell
age lo his picturesque language, he bi.oed_ a birthright for “bread and pottage and lentils.”
i2 13
l . i
= BUT TO ME it Seems there are three impBra_ grows domineering. It concerns itself less and
tive reasons against further centralization of leee wire the eererrrerr g°°d eee more mid more
powers in the national g0V€1.nm6nt_ with self·aggrand1zement and perpetuation. In
First It is wo dangcmug the end, revolt of the governed 1S the only ave-
S8c0nd_ It will not Work nue of escape; all peaceful roads are closed.
Thi1,d_ It is not necessary g On the other hand, decentralization of power
I am quite as willing as any one to concede tends to anarchy. A decentralization of power
the obvious objections to a federal government may wmek well m a Smell and Slmplc Society
of limited powers, with state and local self-gov- A rirhere °f_ Old aIid_ éildofra ef modern Exiles
ernment. My point is not that Such a gOV€1_n_ * illustrate its possibilities in tiny communities.
mem is cmcienh It is admittedly incmcigmo It The Articles of .Confederat1on of 1781 illustrate
is cumbersome and Slow; there is confusion of 1tS weaknesses in a sizable territory. And the
purposes; there is inevitable friction; ood there reeeieeer er Cerrereee er Febreerr ZL 178%
is a tendency to and up with unsatisfactory cOm_ calling the Constitutional Convention, records
promises. for all time the pol1t1cal aptitude of the found-
T11 Gr 6 is nothing 10 gical or Very practical in ers of the American Republic. Six short years
the division of toi-ritory among the States. In ef erverrerree demenetreted re the statesmen
{ooo dao States aoo ioaoiy artificial geographic er iher der ree errer heveieeereee er ·ie·=er·
units. From an economic standpoint state lines rrelrred POWBL And than Barker Cxpcrmnccs
might well be shifted about and new groups had 3h`6¤dY iélilgllt them equally well the dan-
€Stab1iSh€d· gers of central1zed power.
But that is not the question. The question is,
shall we, because of these admitted defects in THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION was the
our federal system, transfer still greater powers choice of our forefathers, between the dangers
over agriculture, manufacture, and intrastate _ of centralized power and the Weaknesses of
Commerce re the national government? Hee the decentralization. With all its shortcomings, it
Constitution been rendered obsolete by the eco- appeared to be the only practical course to pup
nomic and social developments of recent years? suc if the extremes of W1, army and anarchy were
0r» ee rhe ether irerrek mer We erm reeerd the io be avoided. As Lord Brougham aaa said:
Constitution as a charter based on eternally
sound principles of government which must re- “Th° d°ViSi¤g m°emS f°*` keeping *]*6 U¤i°¤’$ in'
main as 10 ug as the fundamental principle Of tegrity asla federacy while the rights and lpowers of
, . the 1nd1v1dual States are maintained entire, is the
Self-govcrnnlcnt IS to endure? VBI`y gl'B3lZBSlZ I`8flI16H1BXllZ III social policy to
I any age has ever given birth.”
HISTORY EXHIBITS three general types of I
government. There are those of strongly cen- r This 01'g8¤iZ6